Keith Olbermann’s Special Comment: Not Health, Not Care, Not Reform
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By Keith Olbermann
Dandelion Salad, MSNBC
Thursday, Dec 17, 2009
Olbermann: Ruined Senate healthcare Bill Unsupportable
Finally, as promised, a Special Comment on the latest version of H-R
35-90, the Senate Health Care Reform bill. To again quote Churchill
after Munich, as I did six nights ago on this program: "I will begin by
saying the most unpopular and most unwelcome thing: that we have
sustained a total and unmitigated defeat, without a war."
Last
night on this program Howard Dean said that with the appeasement of Mr.
Lieberman of Connecticut by the abandonment of the Medicare Buy-in, he
could no longer support H-R 35-90. Dr. Dean's argument is informed,
cogent, heart breaking, and unanswerable.
Seeking the least
common denominator, Sen. Reid has found it, especially the "least"
part. This is not health, this is not care, this is certainly not
reform. I bless the Sherrod Browns and Ron Wydens and Jay Rockefellers
and Sheldon Whitehouses and Anthony Weiners and all the others who have
fought for real reform and I bleed for the pain inflicted upon them and
their hopes. They have done their jobs and served their nation.
But through circumstances beyond their control, they are now seeking to reanimate a corpse killed by the Republicans, and by a political game played in the Senate and in the White House by men and
women who have now proved themselves poorly equipped for the fight. The
"men" of the current moment, have lost to the "mice" of history.
They
must now not make the defeat worse by passing a hollow shell of a bill
just for the sake of a big-stage signing ceremony. This bill, slowly
bled to death by the political equivalent of the leeches that were once
thought state-of-the-art-medicine, is now little more than a series of
microscopically minor tweaks of a system which is the real-life,
here-and-now version, of the malarkey of the Town Hallers. The American
Insurance Cartel is the Death Panel, and this Senate bill does nothing
to destroy it. Nor even to satiate it.
It merely decrees that
our underprivileged, our sick, our elderly, our middle class, can be
fed into it, as human sacrifices to the great maw of corporate
voraciousness, at a profit per victim of 10 cents on the dollar instead
of the current 20. Even before the support columns of reform were
knocked down, one by one, with the kind of passive defense that would
embarrass a touch-football player - single-payer, the public option,
the Medicare Buy-In - before they vanished, the Congressional Budget
Office estimated that the part of this bill that would require you to
buy insurance unless you could prove you could not afford it, would
cost a family of four with a household income of 54-thousand dollars a
year, 17 percent of that income. Nine thousand dollars a year. Just for
the insurance!
That was with a public option. That was with some kind of check on the
insurance companies. That was before — as Howard Dean pointed out — the
revelation that the cartel will still be able to charge older people
more than others; will — at the least — now be able to charge much
more, maybe 50 percent more, for people with pre-existing conditions —
pre-existing conditions; you know, like being alive.
You have
just agreed to purchase a product. If you do not, you will be breaking
the law and subject to a fine. You have no control over how much you
will pay for the product. The government will have virtually no control
over how much the company will charge for the product. The product is
designed like the Monty Python sketch about the insurance company's
"Never-Pay" policy ... "which, you know, if you never claim — is very
worthwhile. But you had to claim, and, well, there it is."
And
who do we have to blame for this? There are enough villains to go
around, men and women who, in a just world, would be the next to get
sick and have to sell their homes or their memories or their futures —
just to keep themselves alive, just to keep their children alive,
against the implacable enemy of American society, the insurance cartel.
Mr. Grassley of Iowa has lied, and fomented panic and fear. Mr. DeMint
of South Carolina has forgotten he represents people, and not just a
political party. Mr. Baucus of Montana has operated as a virtual agent
for the industry he is charged with regulating. Mr. Nelson of Nebraska
has not only derailed reform, he has tried to exploit it to overturn a
Supreme Court decision that, in this context, is frankly none of his
goddamned business.
They say they have done what they have
done for the most important, the most fiscally prudent, the most
gloriously phrased, the most inescapable of reasons. But mostly they
have done it for the money. Lots and lots of money from the insurance
companies and the pharmacological companies and the other health care
companies who have slowly taken this country over.
Which brings
us to Mr. Lieberman of Connecticut, the one man at the center of this
farcical perversion of what a government is supposed to be. Out of
pique, out of revenge, out of betrayal of his earlier wiser saner self,
he has sold untold hundreds of thousands of us into pain and fear and
privation and slavery — for money. He has been bought and sold by the
insurance lobby. He has become a Senatorial prostitute. And sadly, the
President has not provided the leadership his office demands.
He
has badly misjudged the country's mood at all ends of the spectrum.
There is no middle to coalesce here, Sir. There are only the
uninformed, the bought-off, and the vast suffering majority for whom
the urgency of now is a call from a collection agency or a threat of
rescission of policy or a warning of expiration of services.
Sir,
your hands-off approach, while nobly intended and perhaps yet some day
applicable to the reality of an improved version of our nation, enabled
the national humiliation that was the Town Halls and the insufferable
Neanderthalian stupidity of Congressman Wilson and the street-walking
of Mr. Lieberman.
Instead of continuing this snipe-hunt for the
endangered and possibly extinct creature "bipartisanship," you need to
push the Republicans around or cut them out or both. You need to
threaten Democrats like Baucus and the others with the ends of their
careers in the party. Instead, those Democrats have threatened you, and
the Republicans have pushed you and cut you out.
Mr. President,
the line between "compromise" and "compromised" is an incredibly fine
one. Any reform bill enrages the right, and provides it with the war
cry around which it will rally its mindless legions in the midterms and
in '12. But this Republican knee-jerk inflexibility provides an
incredible opportunity to you, Sir, and an incredible license.
On
April 6th 2003, I was approached by two drunken young men at a baseball
game. One of them started to ask for an autograph. The other stopped
him by shouting "Screw him, he's a liberal." This program had been on
the air for three weeks. It had to that point consisted entirely of
brief introductions to correspondents in Iraq or to military analysts.
There had been no criticism, no political analysis, no commentary. I
had not covered news full-time for more than four years. I could not
fathom on what factual basis, I was being called a "liberal," let alone
being sworn at for being such.
Only later did it dawn on me that it didn't matter why, and it didn't
matter that they were doing it — it only mattered that if I was going
to be mindlessly criticized for anything, the reaction would be
identical whether I did nothing that engendered it, or stood for
something that engendered it.
Mr. President, they are calling
you a socialist, a communist, a Marxist. You could be further to the
right than Reagan - and this health care bill, as Howard Dean put it
here last night, this bailout for the insurance industry, sure invites
the comparison. And they will still call you names.
Sir, if they
are going to call you a socialist no matter what you do, you have been
given full unfettered freedom to do what you know is just. The bill may
be the ultimate political manifesto, or it may be the most delicate of
compromises. The firestorm will be the same. So why not give the
haters, as the cliché goes, something to cry about.
But
concomitant with that is the reaction from Democrats and Independents.
You have riven them, Sir. Any bill will engender criticism but this
bill costs you the left — and anybody who now has to pony up 17 percent
of his family's income to buy this equivalent of Medical Mobster
Protection Money.
Some speaking for you, Sir, have called the
public option a fetish. They may be right. But to stay with this
uncomfortable language, this bill is less fetish, more bondage. Nothing
short of your re-election and the re-election of dozens of Democrats in
the house and senate, hinges in large part on this bill. Make it
palatable or make it go away or make yourself ready — not merely for a
horrifying campaign in 2012 — but for the distinct possibility also of
a primary challenge.
Befitting the season, Sir, these are not
the shadows of the things that will be, but the shadows of the things
that may be. But at this point, Mr. President, only you can make
certain of that. There is only one redemption possible. The mandate in
this bill under which we are required to buy insurance must be stripped
out.
The bill now is little more than a legally mandated
delivery of the middle class (and those whose dreams of joining it slip
ever further away) into a kind of Chicago stockyards of insurance. Make
enough money to take care of yourself and your family and you must buy
insurance — on the insurers terms — or face a fine.
This
provision must go. It is, above all else, immoral and a betrayal of the
people who elected you, Sir. You must now announce that you will veto
any bill lacking an option or buy-in, but containing a mandate.
And
Sen. Reid, put the public option back in, or the Medicare Buy-In, or
both. Or single-payer. Let Lieberman and Ben Nelson and Baucus and the
Republicans vote their lack-of-conscience and preclude 60 "ayes." Let
them commit political suicide instead of you.
Let Mr. Lieberman
kill the bill — then turn to his Republican friends only to find out
they hate him more than the Democrats do. Let him stagger off the
public stage, to go work for the insurance industry. As if he is not
doing that now.
Then, Mr. Reid, take every worthwhile provision
of health care reform you legally can, and pass it via reconciliation,
when ever and how ever you can — and by the way, a Medicare Buy-In can
be legally passed via reconciliation. The Senate bill with the mandate
must be defeated, if not in the Senate, then in the House.
Health
care reform that benefits the industry at the cost of the people is
intolerable and there are no moral constructs in which it can be
supported. And if still the bill and this heinous mandate become law
there is yet further reaction required. I call on all those whose
conscience urges them to fight, to use the only weapon that will be
left to us if this bill becomes law. We must not buy federally mandated
insurance if this cheesy counterfeit of reform is all we can buy.
No
single payer? No sale. No public option? No sale. No Medicare buy-in?
No sale. I am one of the self-insured, albeit by choice. And I hereby
pledge that I will not buy this perversion of health care reform. Pass
this at your peril, Senators, and sign it at yours, Mr. President. I
will not buy this insurance. Brand me a lawbreaker if you choose. Fine
me if you will. Jail me if you must.
But if the Medicare Buy-In
goes, but the Mandate stays, the people who fought so hard and so
sincerely to bring sanity to this system must kill this mutated version
of their dream, because those elected by us to act for us have
forgotten what must be the golden rule of health care reform. It is the
same one to which physicians are bound, by oath: First do no harm.
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