Netanyahu summed up his core thinking in his 1993 book, A Place Among the Nations: Israel and the World,
when he said it was naive for Israelis to believe that “Arabs loathed
war as much as they themselves.” He derided Israelis who thought of
peace as “a kind of blissful castle in the clouds, a Jewish never-never
land in which the Jews will be able finally to find a respite from
struggle and strife.”
In Bibi’s view, the fight will go on and on. “True, continuing
struggle does not necessarily mean perpetual war, but it does mean an
ongoing national exertion and the possibility of periodic bouts of
international confrontation … You cannot end the struggle for survival
without ending life itself.” So to protect itself, in Netanyahu’s view,
Israel has to be aggressive on all fronts, controlling the land, the
sea, the sky, and above all the message—never giving an inch. To
paraphrase the late Erich Segal, being Bibi means never having to say
you’re sorry.
So it is difficult, to say the least, to be Netanyahu’s friend, and
nobody knows that better than the Jordanians, who tried to build a
solid peace with Israel during his last term as prime minister in the
1990s. “Today everything is déjà vu,” says Randa Habib, author of the
forthcoming Hussein and Abdullah: Inside the Jordanian Royal Family.
Jordan had signed a peace treaty with Israel in 1994 only to see the
architect of that accord, Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, gunned down by
an Israeli terrorist in 1995. When Netanyahu won the elections that
followed, Jordan’s late King Hussein had hopes he could work with Bibi.
Hussein tried to build confidence by receiving the Israeli prime
minister in Amman in August 1996, only to have the Israelis begin
digging a tunnel under Muslim holy places in Jerusalem a few days
later. In February 1997, Hussein invited Netanyahu to Amman again,
hoping to improve the atmosphere, but the next day the Israelis
announced approval of a whole new Jewish neighborhood, Har Homa, to be
built in East Jerusalem. In both cases the timing seemed planned not
only to embarrass King Hussein, but to implicate and weaken him.
Finally, King Hussein wrote bluntly to Netanyahu: “You are
destroying peace. I have no trust in you.” In his response to the king,
Netanyahu professed to be “amazed by your personal attack.”
A few months later, Israeli agents tried to kill Hamas leader Khaled
Meshal, who was then in Amman, by spraying an exotic poison in his ear.
Unlike the killers of another Hamas official in Dubai in January this
year, the ones in Jordan were caught. Hussein demanded the antidote
from Netanyahu, as well as the release of another Hamas leader, and did
not turn over the captured Mossad agents until he got them. The
Canadian government protested the use of its passports by the
assassins, another harbinger of the Dubai case. But in the end, like
today, nothing happened. “The Israelis will get away with all this;
they always get away with it,” says Habib.
I am not so sure. Even a dozen years ago, the American public was
largely passive about Middle East issues. Congressmen proclaimed
undying support for Israel, and their constituents asked few questions.
Now, with America involved in two wars in the Muslim world, that’s not
the case. The 1,000-plus comments on Aluf Benn’s Newsweek column make
that clear. But the decisive voices may belong to America’s generals.
Are they ready to have Bibi Netanyahu’s vision of war-without-end
dictate endless wars for American troops? The answer, almost certainly,
is no.
Given the warm embrace that Benjamin Netanyahu is sure to receive at
the AIPAC conference in Washington next week — whether he appears in
person or opts for a diplomatically safer live video link — it’s time
that the pro-Israel lobby within which AIPAC is the central pillar be
referred to by a more accurate label: the pro-Israel anti-American lobby.
Those Americans who are the most stalwart defenders of Israel’s
interests, try to deflect the charge that they are working against the
interests of their own nation by claiming that America’s interests and
Israel’s interests are inseparable.
But let’s be honest. Given that there are no two states within
the United States whose interests completely overlap, it is an absurd
and audacious lie to claim that two nations separated by oceans,
continents, cultures and thousands of miles have exactly the same
interests.
In truth, the relationship between Israel and the United States is
not one of indivisible interests but instead that of a dysfunctional
familial tie.
In Yoav Shamir’s brilliant documentary, Defamation,
there is a scene in which Abe Foxman, the president of the
Anti-Defamation League, and a group of the ADL’s wealthy American
supporters are talking about how they feel about Israel and how deep is
their bond and commitment to the Jewish state’s survival. The consensus
is that their attachment is like that of a parent for his or her own
child; that they would sacrifice their own lives if that’s what Israel
needed.
It’s hard to be clear about what state of development this
Israel-child is in — rebellious teen, nursing infant or still tied by
an umbilical chord. Whichever it is, the source of much its sustenance
(unlike the ADL) is largely ignorant of the relationship.
When pollsters ask Americans about Israel they pose trite questions
and solicit inane responses. But were Americans polled to find out
whether they are happy to be providing aid which amounts to $1000 per
Israeli citizen year in, year out, the likely responses would range
from disbelief, to shock, to outrage. Americans who thought that number
sounded “about right” would be in a small minority — especially in this
struggling economy.
CNN’s Jack Cafferty poses the question: Is it time for the United States to get tougher with Israel?
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