We are still shocked. We were never awed. We have
not adjusted. The senseless waste of our blood and treasure, our honor
and our reputation continue. Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation
Iraqi Freedom - the latter unleashed seven years ago today - have
morphed into a single Operation Enduring Occupation,
set to bankrupt this country financially as well as morally, to destroy
our own security as it has that of the over 31 million people who
populate Iraq and 32 million people of Afghanistan.
The Price of Freedom
Operations sold to
the American people as protecting our freedoms have been used as part
of a corrupt apparatus - like every other protection racket since the
beginning of time - to restrict, reduce and infringe on those freedoms,
not only the civil liberties enshrined in the early English common law
(habeas corpus, trial by jury ) and the Constitution's Bill of Rights
(free speech, free association, freedom from unreasonable search and
seizure, freedom from cruel and unusual punishment), but also our
so-called freedom to shop (the "ultimate repudiation of terrorism" dixit George Bush),
undermined not only by the financial collapse and ensuing economic
crisis, but also by the inviolability of the federal military budget.
Our language has been deformed ("Homeland," "preventative war," "enemy
combatant," "enhanced interrogation," "freedom," "security"); our
society, militarized and privatized - with the legitimate government
monopoly on violence outsourced to military contractors.
Just as heavily-armed Blackwater troops were
immediately deployed to Katrina-devastated New Orleans, and the San
Diego police department deployed the same long range acoustic devices
used for crowd control in Iraq at recent town hall forum there,
we expect it will only be a matter of time before other innovations
tested against the Iraqis, such as predator drones, are used in
operations against US citizens in our homes and cities.
And as Benjamin Franklin might have agreed ("They
who can give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety,
deserve neither liberty nor safety." {notes for a proposition at the
Pennsylvania Assembly, 1775}), perhaps we deserve what has happened to
us for allowing ourselves to be cowed into colluding in the ultimate
crime against humanity, one which the Nuremberg tribunal powerfully
condemned: "To initiate a war of aggression ... is not only an
international crime; it is the supreme international crime differing
only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the
accumulated evil of the whole."
Justifying Destruction
The Netherlands' Davids Commission was set up by
Prime Minister Jan Peter Balkenende in order to avoid a full
parliamentary inquiry into the Dutch role in the invasion of Iraq - the
sole independent assessment of the war in Iraq's legality - "the
authoritative view of seven commissioners, including the former
president of the Dutch Supreme Court, a former judge of the European
Court of justice, and two legal academics" - "entirely rejects the central argument used to justify the ... claim that there was a legal basis for the invasion":
The [UN] Security Council Resolutions on Iraq passed
during the 1990s did not constitute a mandate for the US-British
military intervention in 2003. Despite the existence of certain
ambiguities, the wording of Resolution 1441 cannot reasonably be
interpreted (as the government did) as authorizing individual Member
States to use military force to compel Iraq to comply with the Security
Council's resolutions, without authorization from the Security Council.
The Dutch government's often repeated view that a
second resolution was "politically desirable, but not legally
indispensable" is not easy to uphold. The wording and scope of
Resolution 1441 cannot be interpreted as such a second resolution.
Hence, the military action had no sound mandate under international law.
"The rule of law," something George Bush himself promoted
as one of those freedoms requiring "protection," has been wholly
distorted as lawyers, security agencies and the press focused on how to
abet the executive in getting whatever he wants, including - most
shamefully - torture ("Americans were indeed frightened after Sept. 11,
and the Bush administration was in a great rush to torture prisoners.")
Any idea we may have entertained that no one is above the law, the very
concept that lawbreaking should be punished, has been wholly shattered
by the conduct of this war and the current administration's near
blanket refusal to investigate, let alone prosecute war crimes - due in
part, perhaps, to the complicity of its Democratic allies in Congress.
Of course, the loss of our troops (over 4,200 dead
and 30,000 wounded) and treasure (three trillion dollars according to
economics Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz), the perversion of our
language, the mangling of our laws, the broken bodies and tortured
brains of our veterans really bear no comparison with the suffering we
have inflicted on the citizens of Iraq.
The Folly of War
We don't know how many Iraqi civilians have died,
but, in 2006, The Lancet estimated 655,000 Iraqi deaths imputable to
the war and Opinion Research Business - a UK polling firm - estimated
733,158 to 1,446,063 deaths, these on top of the 500,000 "excess
deaths" occasioned by the previous US sanction regime. Over two million
Iraqis have been displaced. Iraqi professionals of all kinds have been
disproportionately targeted by killers and kidnappers<please link
this phrase to the Lieven De Cauter submission whenever we publish
it>, Iraq's infrastructure smashed; no amount of "reconstruction"
funds - unknown quantities of which were siphoned off by corrupt American and Iraqi officials,
military and businesspeople - have succeeded in restoring potable
water, reliable power or any real security to ordinary Iraqi citizens.
World heritage archaeological sites have been destroyed and plundered.
The outcome of the latest Iraqi elections is not yet clear, but no
outcome can return nine-year-old Ali Kinani - the youngest victim in Blackwater's unprovoked Nisour Square assault on civilians -
to the parents who loved him, and apparently no outcome is foreseen
that will halt Iran's burgeoning political, military and economic influence, suggesting that on purely geopolitical, strategic grounds, the Iraq war has served as a giant Iranian tar baby.
Surely, the Iraq war's only obvious "successes" -
the enrichment of the military industrial complex at the expense of
ordinary citizens, the implementation of an ever more pervasive and
intrusive "security" regime at home and the insurance of a second Bush
term - could have been achieved without dragging the long-suffering
people of Iraq into it. People - it may still need to be pointed out - who had nothing whatsoever to do with 9/11 and harbored no weapons of mass destruction.
To reprise our founder Franklin again, "All Wars are Follies, very expensive, and very mischievous ones."
The American is not the first empire to have been
corrupted from within and exhausted from without by foreign wars. And
unless we wind down the war machine now, we shall surely - and
presently - not be the last.
TruthOut