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Family members grieve for a Sunni relative allegedly executed by members of a Shiite militia outside their home in Baghdad, June 25, 2014. (Photo: Ayman Oghanna / The New York Times) |
In a Truthout and TomDispatch collaboration,
Truthout staff reporter Dahr Jamail has written a searing analysis
covering the ongoing disaster in Iraq. Jamail has covered the story
extensively for both Truthout and TomDispatch since
2005, and now provides this current perspective on how the legacy of
the US invasion and occupation of Iraq continues to destroy lives.
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For Americans, it was like the news from nowhere. Years had passed
since reporters bothered to head for the country we invaded and blew a
hole through back in 2003, the country once known as Iraq that our
occupation drove into a never-ending sectarian nightmare. In 2011, the
last US combat troops slipped out of the country, their heads "held high," as President Obama proclaimed at the time, and Iraq ceased to be news for Americans.
So the headlines of recent weeks - Iraq army collapses! Iraq's second
largest city falls to insurgents! Terrorist caliphate established in
Middle East! - couldn't have seemed more shockingly out of the blue.
Suddenly, reporters flooded back in, the Bush-era neocons who had
planned and supported the invasion and occupation were writing op-eds
as if it were yesterday, and Iraq was again the story of the moment as
the post-post-mortems began to appear and commentators began asking: How
in the world could this be happening?
Iraqis, of course, lacked the luxury of ignoring what had been going
on in their land since 2011. For them, whether Sunnis or Shiites, the
recent unraveling of the army, the spread of a series of revolts across
the Sunni parts of Iraq, the advance of an extremist insurgency on the
country's capital, Baghdad, and the embattled nature of the autocratic
government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki were, if not predictable,
at least expectable. And as the killings ratcheted up, caught in the
middle were the vast majority of Iraqis, people who were neither
fighters nor directly involved in the corrupt politics of their country,
but found themselves, as always, caught in the vice grip of the
violence again engulfing it.
An Iraqi friend I've known since 2003, living in a predominantly
Sunni neighborhood in Baghdad, emailed me recently. He had made it
through the sectarian bloodletting of 2006 to 2007 in which many of his
Sunni compatriots were killed or driven from the capital, and this is
the picture he painted of what life is now like for him, his wife and
their small children:
All the dangers faced by Iraqis from the occupation - arrests,
torture, car bombs, and sectarian violence - those killings have become
like a toy in comparison to what we are facing these days. Fighting has
spread in all directions from the north, east, and west of Baghdad. Much
of the fighting is between the government and Sunni insurgents who have
suffered a lot from the injustice of Maliki's sectarian government.
As for his daily life, he described it this way:
As a result of this fighting, we can't sleep because of our fear of
the uncertainty of the situation, and because of the random arrests of
innocent Sunni people. Each day I awake and find myself in a very hard
and bad situation and now am trying to think of any way I can to leave
here and save my family. Most of my neighbors left back when it was
easier to leave. Now, we have both the US and Iran helping the Iraqi
government, and this will only make the fighting that is going on across
Iraq much worse.
Life in Iraq has become impossible, and even
more dangerous, and there is now no way to leave here. To the north,
west, and east of Baghdad there is fighting, and with so many groups of
Shiite militias in the south, it is not safe for us to go there because
of the sectarianism that was never here before the invasion. The price
for bus tickets has become very expensive and they are all booked up for
months. So many Iraqi families and I are trapped in the middle now.
Every day, the Iraqi army is raiding homes and arresting many innocent
people. So many dead bodies are to be found at the Baghdad morgue in the
days following the mass arrests in Sunni areas.
He concluded his email on a stark note, reminiscent of the sorts of
things I regularly heard when I was in Iraq covering the brutal results
of the US occupation. "Horror, fear, arbitrary arrests, indiscriminate
bombing, killing, an uncertain future - this is the new democratic
Iraq."
And don't for a second think that this summer it's just Sunni
communities who are living in fear. Claims of massacres and other
atrocities being carried out by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria
(ISIS), the group spearheading the Sunni revolt across the northern and
western parts of the country, abound along with well-documented accounts
of their brutal tactics against Shiites.
In one incident, according to witnesses, ISIS forces kidnapped at
least 40 Shia Turkmen, blew up three Shia mosques and another Shia
shrine, and raided homes and farms in two Shia villages near the city of
Mosul. And that's just to start down a long list of horrors. Meanwhile,
the sectarianism shredding the social fabric is being stoked further by
the posting of images online that show at least 10 ancient Shiite shrines and mosques destroyed by ISIS fighters.
The Disintegration of Iraq
As for myself, I can't claim to be surprised by the events of recent
weeks. Back in March 2013, on a visit to the embattled Sunni city of
Fallujah (twice besieged and largely destroyed by US troops in the
occupation years), I saw many signs of the genesis of what was to come. I
was at one point on a stage there alongside half a dozen tribal and
religious leaders from the area. Tens of thousands of enraged men,
mostly young, filled the street below us, holding up signs expressing
their anger toward US-backed Prime Minister Maliki.
Having written about the myriad human rights abuses and violations
Maliki's regime was responsible for, I was intimately familiar with the
way the bodies, dignity and rights of much of the Sunni population in
Fallujah's province, al-Anbar, had been abused. That same month, I had,
for instance, interviewed a woman who used the alias Heba al-Shamary and
had just been released from an Iraqi prison after four grim years.
"I was tortured and raped repeatedly by the Iraqi security forces," she told
me. "I want to tell the world what I and other Iraqi women in prison
have had to go through these last years. It has been a hell . . . I was
raped over and over again. I was kicked and beaten and insulted and spit
upon." Heba, like so many Sunnis the Maliki regime decided to detain,
torture and sometimes execute, had been charged with "terrorism."
That very month, Amnesty International released a report
that highlighted what it called "a grim cycle of human rights abuses"
in Iraq. When I was in Baghdad, it was common to hear Maliki referred to
in many areas as "worse than Saddam [Hussein]."
In late 2012, the young among the politically disenfranchised Sunni
population began to organize peaceful Arab Spring-style rallies against
the government. These were met with brute force and more than a dozen
demonstrators were killed by government security forces. Videos of this
went viral on the web stirring the already boiling tempers of youths
desperate to take the fight for their rights to Baghdad.
"We demand an end to checkpoints surrounding Fallujah. We demand they
allow in the press [to cover the situation]. We demand they end their
unlawful home raids and detentions. We demand an end to federalism and
gangsters and secret prisons." This was what Sheikh Khaled Hamoud
Al-Jumaili, a leader of the demonstrations, told me just before I went
on stage that day. As we spoke, he clutched a photograph of one of his
nephews killed by Maliki's forces while demonstrating in the nearby city
of Ramadi. "Losing our history and dividing Iraqis is wrong, but that
and kidnapping and conspiracies and displacing people is what Maliki is
doing."
As I wrote
at the time, the sheikh went on to assure me thatmany people in Anbar
Province had stopped demanding changes in the Maliki government because
they had lost hope. After years of waiting, no such demands were ever
met. "Now, we demand a change in the regime instead and a change in the
constitution. We will not stop these demonstrations. This one we have
labeled 'last chance Friday' because it is the government's last chance
to listen to us."
"What comes next," I asked him, "if they don't listen to you?"
"Maybe armed struggle comes next," he replied without a pause.
Maliki's response to the Fallujah protests would, in fact, ensure that the sheikh's prediction became the region's future.
The adrenaline-pumping energy on stage and in the crowd that day
mixed electric anticipation and anxiety with fear. All of this energy
had to go somewhere. Even then, local religious and tribal leaders were
already lagging behind their supporters. Keeping a lid on the seething
cauldron of Sunni feeling was always unlikely. When a tribal sheikh
asked the crowd for a little more time for further "diplomacy" in
Baghdad, the crowd erupted in angry shouts, rushed the stage, and began
pelting the sheikhs with water bottles and rocks.
In pockets of that crowd, now a mob, the ominous black flags of ISIS
were already waving vigorously alongside signs that read "Iraqis did not
vote for an Iranian dictatorship." Enraged shouts of "We will now
fight!" and "No more Maliki!" swept over us as we fled the stage, lest
we be hit by those projectiles that caught the rage of the young, a rage
desperate for a target, and open to recruitment into a movement that
would take the fight to the Maliki regime.
Enter ISIS
Funded by Arabian Gulf petrodollars from Qatar and Saudi Arabia,
among other places, and for a long while supported, at least implicitly,
by the Obama administration, radical Islamist fighters in Syria
opposing Bashar al-Assad have been expanding in strength, numbers and
lethality for the last three years. This winter, they and their branches
in Iraq converged, first taking Fallujah, then moving on to the spring
and summer debacles across Sunni Iraq and the establishment of a
"caliphate" in the territories they control in both countries.
It was hardly news that ISIS, a group even the original al-Qaeda
rejected, had a strong presence in Syria. Secretary of State John Kerry
spoke of the situation defensively last fall in attempting to explain
Washington's increasingly controversial and confused policy on Syria,
the rebels and the regime of Bashar al-Assad they were trying to fell.
He described the "bad guys" as radical fighters belonging to ISIS and
al-Qaeda-affiliated groups, calling them the lesser part of the
opposition in that country, a statement that even then was beyond
inaccurate. He went on to describe
those "bad guys" as having "proven themselves to be probably the best
fighters . . . the most trained and aggressive on the ground."
Of course, Kerry claimed that the United States was only supporting the "good guys," another convenient fiction of the moment.
Fast forward to late June: in a meeting with Syrian opposition leader Ahmad al-Jarba, Kerry proposed
arming and training supposedly well-vetted "moderate" Syrian rebels to
help take the battle to ISIS in Syria but also in Iraq. "Obviously, in
light of what has happened in Iraq," he said, "we have even more to talk
about in terms of the moderate opposition in Syria, which has the
ability to be a very important player in pushing back against [ISIS's]
presence and to have them not just in Syria, but also in Iraq."
The confusion of this policy remains stunning: Washington hopes to
use "moderate" Syrian rebels, in practice almost impossible to separate
from the extreme Islamists, "in pushing back against" those very
Islamists, while striking against the Assad regime which is supporting -
with airstrikes, among other things - the Maliki government which
Washington has been arming and supporting in Iraq. The United States has
already invested more than $25 billion in support for Maliki - at least $17 billion
of which was poured into the Iraqi military. Clearly that was money not
well spent as that military promptly collapsed, surrendering a string
of cities and towns, including Tal Afar and Mosul, when ISIS and other
Sunni insurgents came knocking.
More aid and personnel are now on the way from Washington. The Obama
administration already admits to sending at least an extra 750 Marines
and Special Operations troops into Iraq, along with missile-armed drones
and Apache helicopters. It is now pushing hard to sell Iraq another 4,000 Hellfire missiles. The Pentagon insists
its troops in Baghdad are either guarding the huge US embassy or
serving in an "advisory" capacity to the Iraqis, but is also claiming
that its forces need "flexibility" in order to carry out their missions.
As a result, there are already plans for US pilots to fly those Apache attack helicopters there.
While Washington might be at odds with Russian President Vladimir
Putin over the crisis in Ukraine, the Obama administration is
undoubtedly breathing a sigh of relief that Russian military aid,
including fighter planes, is now flowing into Baghdad. Blurring opaque
political alliances further, Iran has supplied
Iraq with ground attack jets, has drones carrying out reconnaissance
missions over the country, and Iranian Kurds could be joining the fight
on the ground.
Considering all these twists and turns of the Iraqi situation,
political analyst Maki al-Nazzal shared these thoughts with me, which
are increasingly typical of Sunni opinion: "Iraq is still suffering from
the US occupation's sins and now self-operating to remove the cancer
the US planted in its body. Iraqi nationalists and Sunni Islamists have
had enough of being wasted through 11 years of direct and indirect
occupation and so revolted to correct by guns what was corrupted by
wrongful politics."
Meanwhile, the ongoing crisis has sent the government in Baghdad into
free fall just as the opportunistic Kurds of northern Iraq have called
for a referendum in the next two months to address a long-fostered
desire to become an independent country. Given all of this, hopes for
any kind of Sunni-Shia-Kurdish "unity" government that could save the
country from collapse have been repeatedly dashed.
Making matters worse, with thousands of Iraqis being slaughtered every
month and the country coming apart at the seams, even the Shiites in the
country's parliament seem deadlocked. "Things are moving faster than
the politicians can make decisions," a senior Shiite member of
parliament told a reporter.
No wonder the Iraqi army won't stand its ground when facing ISIS
fighters, who are more than willing to die for their cause. What exactly
is it to die defending? And it's not just army troops who are refusing
to put their lives on the line for Nouri al-Maliki. Powerful Sunni
tribal leaders in Iraq's volatile Anbar Province are also refusing to
fight for Maliki. In a recent interview,
Sheikh Hatem al-Suleiman, head of the Dulaimi tribe, insisted that
Maliki was more dangerous than the ISIS fighters, adding, "I believe
that Maliki is responsible for ISIS coming to Iraq."
Washington's man in Baghdad for so long, Maliki himself now adds to
the crisis by refusing to budge, no matter the pressure from his former
patrons and Shiite religious leaders.
The Nightmare of Ordinary Iraqis
The disintegration of Iraq is the result of US policies that, since
2003, have been strikingly devoid of coherence or any real comprehension
when it comes to the forces at play in the country or the region. They
have had about them an aura of puerility, of "good guys" versus "bad
guys," that will leave future historians stunned. Worst of all, they
have generated a modern-day Middle Eastern Catch-22 in which all sides
are armed, funded and supported directly or indirectly by Washington or
its allies.
Meanwhile, ISIS and other Sunni insurgent groups have effectively
tapped into the tens of thousands of angry young men I saw in Fallujah
last year and are reportedly enjoying significant popular support (as,
in some cases, the best of a series of terrible options) in many of the
towns and cities where they have set up shop.
In all of this, the nightmare for ordinary Iraqis has only been
accentuated. I recently received an email from a friend in Fallujah, a
city now occupied by ISIS after having been brutally shelled by the
Iraqi military earlier in the year. At that time, hundreds were killed
and even Fallujah's main hospital was hit. Tens of thousands of people
in the city, including my friend, had to flee for their lives. He has
now been a refugee for months and summed up his life this way:
Words cannot explain what we are suffering now. I do not believe what
is happening to us. Imagine a life lived in permanent fear, with
shortages of all-important services like electricity, water supply,
fuel, and food in the very hot Iraqi summer and during the fasting month
of Ramadan.
The most important part of the whole story is
that all of these tragedies are happening - and let me say with sadness,
are happening while we are now refugees and deprived of our houses and
belongings. Fleeing Maliki's bombardment, we travelled to Anah City
[northwest of Fallujah and closer to the Syrian border] seeking safety,
but now Anah has become unsafe and was attacked twice by Syrian
helicopters, which killed five Fallujan civilian refugees. Everything in
our life is sad and difficult. We are under the control of senseless
criminals.
As Iraq's disintegration into darkness progresses, it sickens me to
think of all the Iraqis I met and became friends with, who have since
been killed, disappeared or have become refugees. What is left of Iraq,
this mess that is no longer a country, should be considered the legacy
of decades of US policy there, dating back to the moment when Saddam
Hussein was in power and enjoyed Washington's support. With Maliki, it
has simply been a different dictator, enjoying even more such support
(until these last weeks), and using similarly barbaric tactics against
Iraqis.
Today, Washington's policies continue in the same mindless way as more fuel is rushed to the bonfire that is incinerating Iraq.
Source: Truthout/TomDispatch
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