Foreign Interests Play Key Role in the Central African Republic Conflict

This is the second of a two-part series examining the current conflict in the Central African Republic, and its antecedents. Read the first part here.


Sectarian Violence
While the Central African Republic is home to several different ethnic groups, historically speaking it can be said that “the CAR has no significant history of sectarian conflict or deep-seated religious enmity.” So, then, why is this violence occurring? In order to understand it, one must discuss Séléka and Michel Djotodia.

The Guardian reported in December 2012 that the rebel group Séléka had formed, and among its demands was “the implementation of the recommendations of the inclusive political dialogue, which was held in 2008 among government, civil society, the opposition and the rebels; financial compensation for the rebels; the release of political prisoners; and the opening of an investigation into the disappearance of former CPJP (Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace) leader Charles Massi and other ‘crimes.’” Thus, the group formed, at least partially, in response to the failed political dealings with the CAR government.

As Séléka members “were recruited from Muslim communities settled in CAR or in the three border areas" (Chad, Sudan, and CAR), the formation of the group aided in the heightening of sectarian tensions. While Séléka fighters have notional inclinations toward political Islam, they share a strong sense of communal identity and a will to avenge previous CAR regimes and their beneficiaries identified as Christians. (Though this isn't such a discriminating factor, as the CAR population is more than 75% Christian.) Lay Muslims in CAR today are less likely to be harassed by the Séléka, and most often there is cooperation. The broader Muslim community is therefore perceived as supporting the Séléka while being hostile to the core Christian population.

This anti-Christian bias was revealed soon after the group took control of the capital. The Congressional Research Service reported in May 2014 that “once in power, Seleka leaders presided over the collapse of an already fragile state, and they oversaw brutal attacks on rural Christian communities in the northwest, Bozizé’s home region.”

In response to that violence, the Christian communities formed anti-balaka (anti-machete) militias and began to fight Muslims. The Christian militias attacked Muslims viciously, with “scenes of cannibalism and the dismemberment of Muslims by Christian mobs in Bangui,” prompting France to send 2,000 soldiers into the country as well as the UN which sent in 12,000 peacekeepers.

In January 2014, Séléka's leader Michel Djotodia stepped down as President, following pressure from Chadian President Idriss Déby. Djotodia was replaced by Catherine Samba-Panza, the former mayor of Bangui. All of which raised the question: What interest does Chad have in the Central African Republic? And for that matter, are there any other interested parties?

Foreign Involvement, Foreign Interests: Chad, France and the United States

Chad
Chad is a neighboring country and has been involved in the internal politics of the CAR for quite some time. President Déby sponsored François Bozizé’s rebel movement and “capitalized on this behind-the-scenes power grab by enabling his forces to operate in the north of the CAR to eliminate Chadian rebel groups using the territory as a staging ground for attacks.”

A main reason for Deby’s interest in the CAR is security. There has been significant activity among Chadian rebels operating in the CAR, as “many [Chadian rebels] who took part in the attacks from 2008 to 2010 on N’Djamena and Abéché sought shelter in the north-west of the CAR, which was virtually untouched by Bangui’s authority.” Some even linked up with CAR rebel groups, eventually helping to form Séléka. Many accused Chad of backing Séléka in order to draw the Chadian elements of the group deeper into the CAR, and thus stop them from launching attacks into Chad.

Another clear interest for Chad is oil. Al Jazeera reported that according to Kasper Agger, a field researcher for Enough Project, “'Chad is drilling oil from that border region and it's actually a shared oilfield with CAR.' While there is no drilling on the CAR side yet, Chad has high interest in keeping tight control over the area.” Thus it may be no wonder that Chad is keeping a close eye on the CAR, despite having withdrawn its troops earlier last year.

France
The CAR’s former colonial power, France, also has interests at stake, a situation stemming mainly from Bozizé’s rule. Just before he was overthrown, Bozizé, in 2012, called on the French to aid him in beating back the Séléka rebels. His call went unanswered, mainly due to problems with the CAR government as well as CAR-China relations. A 2009 U.S. diplomatic cable released by Wikileaks revealed the constant frustrations facing French commercial giants such as Total and AREVA. While France used to count on the CAR as a valuable reserve for uranium, it is clear that double-dealing contract negotiations by the Minister of Mines, among others, has pushed the French beyond even their normally generous limits.

Though France has “extensive interests in Africa, in oil, minerals, infrastructure projects, telecoms, utilities, banking and insurance," wrote Newsweek, "its market share is being eroded by competition from China, Brazil, India and others.” Bozizé actively worked with the Chinese to the ire of the French; it was reported in December 2012 that earlier that year, “the South African company DIG Oil had been awarded two exploration contracts and that a Chinese company had also obtained such authorization” to explore for oil in the CAR.

Bozizé was quite wary of the French, noting in a December 2012 speech that he was being attacked for giving an oil exploration contract to the Chinese. “We gave [the French] everything. Before giving oil to the Chinese, I met Total in Paris and told them to take the oil; nothing happened," said Bozizé. "I gave oil to the Chinese and it became a problem. I sent counselor Maidou in Paris for the Uranium dossier, they refused. I finally gave it to the South Africans.” Due to his dealings with the Chinese and other problems, the French became disinterested in propping up Bozizé, and thus let him fall.

In 2013, the French sent in troops to aid in the peacekeeping, along with other African forces, but drew their numbers down in January 2014 from 2,000 troops to 800, noting that UN peacekeepers had arrived.

United States
The U.S. sent its UN ambassador Samantha Power to the CAR in late 2013 to appeal for peace. Power has made it a point that the U.S. intervenes more in violent international conflicts, and “has made a career out of scolding the U.S. for not intervening around the world enough.” In her Pulitzer Prize-winning book from 2002, "A Problem From Hell": America and the Age of Genocide, Power lamented that the U.S., among other inactions, didn’t intervene to stop the Armenian genocide during the First World War. Power endorses the "Responsibility To Protect" doctrine and “was one of the driving forces behind the United States intervention in Libya,” so it shouldn't surprise some people if she pushes for further U.S. intervention in the CAR.

So far, the U.S. has delivered aid to peacekeepers, airlifted African troops into the CAR, and sent troops to support the U.S. embassy resuming its activities there, but not much else.

On a more regional level, the U.S. is also interested in the CAR specifically for its oil. A 2013 Brookings Institution report, titled "Top Five Reasons Why Africa Should Be a Priority for the United States," noted that “significant new discoveries have prompted the [International Energy Agency] to anoint sub-Saharan Africa the ‘new frontier’ in global oil and gas,” and “the emergence of new oil and gas producers in the region presents potential benefits for U.S. national security interests, if this new-found wealth is managed appropriately, several countries could also potentially become oil suppliers to the U.S., further diversifying the sources of U.S. imported oil.”

U.S. interest in African oil is hardly new. In 2002 it was noted that 15 percent of the U.S.'s imported oil supply comes from sub-Saharan Africa. Oil experts predict that the amount of oil the United States receives from the prolific fields of Nigeria, Equatorial Guinea and Angola will double in the next five years.

"African oil is of strategic national interest to us and it will increase and become more important as we go forward," Walter Kansteiner, Assistant U.S. Secretary of State for African Affairs, said during a July 2002 visit to Nigeria, the largest oil producer in West Africa with an estimated 24 billion barrels in reserve.

And like the French, America is also concerned about China. From that same report:

"China’s engagement in Africa has profound geopolitical implications for the U.S. global strategy... China is looking beyond the traditional pursuit of economic benefits and aspires to increase and solidify its strategic presence through enhanced political, economic, diplomatic and academic resources. The failure to perceive and prepare for China’s moves would be dangerous, unwise and potentially detrimental for the United States in the near future."

More recently, in January 2015 the UN stated it had found evidence of ethnic cleansing committed by Christian militias against Muslims, confirming the alarms that had been raised in June of last year, and even before that in late 2013. Unfortunately, the violence is only continuing.



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