The occupied mentality Syndrome
Since
the Korean War, but particularly since the Iranian Revolution of 1979 until
today, the United States has been steadily escalating its military presence in
the Persian Gulf. Taking advantage of many colossal events of the past 36
years, [1] the hyper-empire has institutionalized its massive presence on land
and sea, and expanded its objectives to include the unambiguous physical
control of the area, as well as the clear understanding that local Arab
governments should abide by them. The pretext is always the same: in "defense"
of the national interests and security of the United States. From observing how
the United States has been interacting with the governments of the region, and
by judging from the size of its expeditionary force, we could reach a basic
conclusion. The United States is occupying, de facto, the entire Arabian
Peninsula. (Yemen, devastated by Saudi and American jets is yet to be conquered.
Oman? Britain returned not as colonial ruler but as a soft occupying power.)
Under
this articulation, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates are
virtually occupied countries. If we compare this type of occupation to the mandate
and protectorate regimes of the past, the results might be identical—the
nations affected by it lose sovereignty. When Arab governments comply with
the objectives of a foreign power that station military forces on their
national milieu, then that power controls them in multiple ways including how
they react to policy deliberations and what decisions they intend to take on
specific issues. A good method to verify the concept of effective occupation is
this: take notice of what the United States says and wants, and then compare it
to what the gulf rulers do in response. (I shall discuss this detail at some
point in the upcoming parts.)
If the
presence of US forces or other means of political pressure are a factor in
Saudi Arabia's interventionist Arab wars, then we need to debate this issue.
However, from the history of resistance to colonialism, we learnt: if a
powerful state imposes its order on a nation by military means or other forms
of coercion, and if this nation does not resist that imposition, then a mental
subordination to the powerful state will ensue. This is especially true in the
case of Saudi Arabia. One single event, 9/11, has transformed it from a US
"ally" into an instant political hostage of the American Empire.
Nine-eleven did not only change the status of Saudi
Arabia in American context, it also brought radical changes that altered the character
of the regime. It worsened its domestic instability, increased its belligerence,
amplified its religious chauvinism, and turned its arrogance of power into an
instrument of death and destruction—all at the service of the United States. The
reasons for such situation are known. Among the alleged attackers of the
still-suspicious event of 9/11, there were 15 Saudi nationals.
More
important, Wahhabism, a deranged, dogmatic version of Islam and the creed of
Saudi Arabia, is coming under attack by the United States. Charge: it promotes
"terrorism". (Read Obama's interview
with the Atlantic Magazine.) This is, of course, a heavy blow to the US "ally'.
How cynical and preposterous! Who could forget that just 36 years ago Carter
and Brzezinski promoted Wahhabism as the religion of "freedom
fighters" and "holy warriors", and made Saudi Arabia pay for
proselytes and weapons to fight the Soviet Union in Afghanistan? Without
debating what terrorism is, and whether Wahhabism is promoting it, the fact
that a master-terrorist superpower is doing such an accusation just today and
after Wahhabi militants have destroyed Syria (and parts of Iraq) with US
support, is an odious insult to all those who were killed by US and Saudi
barbarity through Wahhabi proxies.
Now, from studying the US-Saudi financial and military interactions
in all years before 9/11, it is reasonable to conclude that the Saudi regime
had become the financier of the American interventionist agenda. Did 9/11
change those interactions? Considering Saudi Arabia's role in the US invasion
of Iraq and their continuing efforts in the wars against Libya, Syria, and
Yemen, it is equally reasonable to conclude that 9/11 did not alter the basic Saudi-American
relation. However, ample evidence suggests that the United States will continue
using the Saudi tool until it will no longer need it. Still, 9/11 did affect their
relation—it brought changes to the US strategy for controlling Saudi Arabia and
other gulf governments. In addition, the intricate relation between Saudi
Arabia of post‑9/11 with the United States of pre-9/11 had also gone through
some changes. Nevertheless, relations between the two kept evolving in cadence
with the changing of rhythms of 9/11 and with its political interpretations and
propagandistic use.
From observing the events from 9/11 forward, it can be said that the
Saudi function on the American chessboard changed too. Nine-eleven has
transformed Saudi Arabia from a financier and supplier of religiously driven
mercenaries to become a powerful criminal organization with a plan to execute.
As often discussed by US and Israeli think tanks, that plan cannot be clearer
in its declared tenets. I am pointing to the imperialist planned remake of the
geostrategic assets and political orders of current Arab states. As such, the US
invasion of Iraq, US-NATO bombardment of Libya, US-Saudi-Qatari war in Syria,
US-Saudi-UAE war in Yemen, US-Saudi-Kurdish war in Iraq and Syria, and US-ISIS war
in Syria, Iraq, and Libya are but one seamless chapter in this plan. With that,
9/11 has become an emblematic alibi for US imperialist expansions. [Read: B. J.
Sabri, Imperialist Expansions and 9/11) [2]
Of interest, the transformation of Saudi Arabia into a terrorist,
and expansionist state at the service of the United States (and Israel) did not
help alter the way with which the US intended to play the card of 9/11. We need
not speculate on the fact that the Saudis are fully aware of the American ploy and
its objectives. Yet, their pressing priority has been all too evident: decrease
pressure and preempt any pretext for a potential intervention in exchange for bending
to US demands. Despite many American voices calling for the nuclear incineration
of Saudi Arabia under the pretext of its alleged role in 9/11, the US
government— who knows the entire truth about 9/11—had different calculations. (Rich
Lowry, now the editor of the National Review, called for the destruction of Mecca
with nuclear bombs. [3] Statement: US nuclear lunatics have no right to
incinerate Saudi Arabia—not even a grain of its desert sand. If Saudi Arabia is
guilty of something, and the US can prove it through an unbiased team of
international panelists, then let them take it to international courts and
punish it with civil laws.)
Incidentally, would the United States attack Saudi Arabia if its
culpability proved in international courts? Speculations aside, the United
States might not attack Saudi Arabia for one fundamental reason: Saudi Arabia, a US "partner", had nothing
to do with 9/11—and the US knows that very well. In addition, if there were a
verifiable Saudi regime's involvement in 9/11, why wait this long to take action?
That is said, the central motive for which the United States does not want to touch
Saudi Arabia has to do with the function it established for it. The Saudi
regime is an open bank for US world operations, chief buyer of its weapons, oil
price manipulator to strangle Russia and Iran, a potential ally of Israel, and controller
of the so-called Arab league to gain spurious legitimacy for US policies in the
region.
In short, the United States needs Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia has
all the qualifications the United States needs in a regional player willing to
play by its rules. The Saudi regime fits this profile for a number of reasons. It
is ideologically structured yet pliable to US views, politically conditioned by
an archaic system of governance, socially obscurantist to control potential
unrest inimical to Washington, aggressive against neighbors, ruthless against
dissenters, but above all, it has a lot of money and is willing to spend it on
the American cause.
It
is logical to argue, that 9/11 presented the Saudi regime with hard choices regarding
their relation with the United States. To save its neck from possible and
ever-present American accusations involving it in 9/11, the regime had to
re-invent itself. It went from being a willing executioner of the older
American agenda (destabilizing Communism, etc.) to be the chief agent of
destruction at the service of a re-energized US imperialism with a new
agenda.
I am
referring to the Zionist American plan to redraw the map of current Arab states
and alter their historically developed socio-political and cultural realities.
To be sure, 9/11 was also the factor that altered another Saudi reality. It
broke Saudi Arabia's long held assumption for being America's enduring "partner".
Aside from that, 9/11 benefitted the United States in another way. It securely
placed Saudi Arabia and all of its oil and money between the unyielding clutches
of US imperialism.
My
argument of the Saudi succumbence to the US power is threefold. First, the Saudi
regime realizes it has no means, power, or courage to make the United States
leave the Gulf or, at least, lessen its supremacy over the governments of the
gulf. Second, consequent to this realization, submissiveness to it in the form
of fear sets in and resistance to it disappears. Third, besides protracted
psychological conditioning, other tangible factors turned the Saudi-American relation
into a complex interplay.
On one
side, we have the Saudi deference to the United States. I view this deference
as follows: (1) confluence and reciprocal opportunism of two different but
oppressive ideologies —Wahhabism and imperialism; (2) oil and petrodollars, and
(3) a long history of secret deals—since the day Franklin D. Roosevelt met
Abdul Aziz Al Saud in 1945. On the other, we have a supremacist superpower that
views Al Saud as no more than a backward tribal bunch whose primary function is
providing special services to the United States. These include cheap oil,
buying US weapons, investing oil money in the US capitalistic system, supporting
US hegemonic quest, buying US national debt, and bankrolling its covert
operations and wars.
To drive
the point, I argue that the combination between lack of means, lack of
resistance, and other forms of dependence (US political and public relations
support, for example) has created a situation of dependency. It incrementally
forced the Saudi regime into a mental subordination to the United States similar
to an occupied mentality. What is an occupied mentality?
As
stated earlier, noticing the magnitude of US military forces stationed at sea,
as well as in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, Iraq, and Jordan there can
be but one conclusion: all these countries are under virtual US occupation. In
addition, if we consider US global and regional agenda and the objective of its
forces in the region, stating that the material occupation of the Gulf is
moving in unison with a parallel occupation of the mind of rulers is a valid
statement. Let us take the example of Iraq and see if applies to Saudi Arabia. By
all definitions, Iraq of today is a top example of an occupied mentality.
Whereas the United States has been occupying Iraq from 2003 until now—through
scattered military bases and by directives from the US "embassy"—, the
American-appointed Iraqi government still pretends that Iraq is an independent
state. This is not schizophrenia. It is a conscious mental adaptation to an
existing reality named occupation.
To
articulate the argument of occupied mentality, I argue that an array of
psychological processes is behind the mental adaptation to imposed captivity.
This means, accepting subjugation to a foreign power is not only a symptom of
besieged mentality, but also a conscious effort to turn that subjugation into a
feeling of normalcy. In turn, this feeling becomes the primary impulse for
cohabitation between occupiers and occupied. Generally, the lack of resistance
to subjugation is, by itself, acquiescence to it: as a process and as result.
At this point, it does not matter whether this acquiescence is induced, taught,
imposed or voluntary—the result is still subjugation.
Considering
this argument, Saudi Arabia is no different from Iraq when the issue is the adaptation
to US domination. For instance, the
Saudi regime knows it is under US siege. And it knows that the United States is
waiting for the appropriate occasion to strike it someway. Yet, the Saudi
regime is busy these days dispensing threats left and right, even to the power
that nurtured its monstrosities, with the hope that someone would buy its trivial
performance of national strength. To conclude, rulers who live under any form
of foreign occupation or diktat and rulers who have lost their basic national
decision-making are neither sovereign nor free.
Mapping
the transformation of Saudi Arabia in terms of events is an incisive tool to navigate
through the mysteries of the Saudi-American relation. Take, for example, the
role played by the Saudi regime in Soviet-invaded Afghanistan. With so much
money and relative stability, Al Saud had neither national imperatives nor definite
rationales to spend billions of dollars on that war. Did they participate in it
as (A) an act of self-defense against adversaries who never attacked them, (B) opposition
to Communism, or, (C) a response to US-prodding?
For
one, the claim that Saudi Arabia intervened in Afghanistan to fight Communism
is rubbish. Many regimes of that period opposed Communism. Yet, none took their
opposition to the fanatical militant level taken by Al Saud. Moreover, fighting
invaders does not translate automatically in fighting the ideology driving
their politico-economic system. These are two different categories. Vietnam is
an example. The Vietcong fought the American invading force (and the
South-Vietnamese army). But nowhere could one read that Vietnam's war of
liberation was directed against US capitalism as a system.
Second,
is there any truth to the other claim that the Saudi intervention was an act of
solidarity with Muslim Afghanistan? If religious feelings were driving the
regime's animosity against the Soviet invaders under the charge of atheism, then
these same feelings should have risen when the United States invaded a
predominately Arab and Muslim Iraq. In that occasion, the Wahhabi regime (whose religious scholars, preachers, and
countless imams consistently dub Westerners as heathens, infidels, and
nonbelievers) not only did not release a whisper against the
coming invasion, it blessed and supported it. (It is on record what Bandar bin
Sultan, a high- ranking Saudi emir with a 20-year tenure as ambassador to Washington,
with ties to AIPAC and US Zionism, and with intimate connections to the Bush
family had said on the eve of the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. "I will not
shave my beard until the US occupies Iraq and kills Saddam Hussein," then addressing
the American public, he added, "I will pray for the life of every one of
your soldiers . . .")
For debate: in terms of semantic equivalency,
words such as heathens, atheists, infidels, nonbelievers, etc. are conceptually
compatible. A question to the Saudis: why fight the Soviet invaders of Muslim
Afghanistan under the charge of atheism, but never fight the Americans invaders
of Muslim Iraq under the same charge?
[Find Part 1 here.] Next:
Part 3
NOTES
1. Examples: the Iranian Revolution,
the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the Iraqi invasion of Iran, the Iraqi
invasion of Kuwait, the Gulf War, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and US-NATO
bombardment of Serbia.
2. B. J. Sabri, The Splendid Failure of Occupation: Imperialist expansions and 9/11 (http://www.uruknet.info/?p=10086), 2005
3. CounterPunch Services, National Review Editor Suggests “Nuking Mecca”, March 13, 2003
B. J. Sabri is an observer of the politics of modern colonialism, imperialism,
Zionism, and of contemporary Arab issues. Email: b.j.sabri@aol.com
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