Eight Lessons for Progressives Inspired by Syriza - the Greek left took a remarkable stand against status quo capitalism. You can't watch what is unfolding in Greece and not marvel at the clarity, fortitude and nerve of the new government there. In fact, we're pretty sure that many progressives across North America are saying to themselves, even if just quietly, "We'd sure like to do that." And who wouldn't? Syriza is standing up to the powers-that-be in European capitalism in a way that seems almost impossible to imagine in places like Canada and the United States. Greece is not these places, of course, but let's not let ourselves off the hook that easily. Syriza is a heterogeneous party, made up of diverse strands of the Greek left, but united by the view that the country's ruling parties were too compromised to deliver a departure from the crushing economic conditions imposed on it. Although it didn't initiate them, Syriza opened itself to the social movements that emerged to challenge austerity and has become their authentic political voice. Now it has taken power peacefully and formed the first European government of the radical left since the Second World War. It did what parties are supposed to do. We think it's appropriate to be inspired.
Syriza has also been level-headed -- and so must we. There are at least four preconditions for Syriza's January electoral breakthrough that don't exist in the U.S.: proportional representation in elections; an economic crisis of immense, social fabric-destroying proportion; a history of subjugation by foreign powers; and disciplined, determined activists raised in the radical movement. Still, there are significant lessons to learn from what is happening in the Mediterranean in America, where our organization is based, and elsewhere. Lesson 1: Clearly identify the enemy. Syriza had a story to tell that rang true, and they didn't shy away from telling it. It went like this: foreign creditors teamed up with a discredited domestic political system in order to benefit the tax-avoiding oligarchs, and together they pushed brutal, livelihood-destroying austerity measures. The story rang true to Greeks -- because it was true.Lesson 2: Against the oligarchs and the "totalitarianism of the market" which serves as a cover for their interests, we, the forces of democracy, have to fight back. Only a few benefit from the oligarchs' policies, but they have the power and they have a grip on the political system. The oligarchs prevent the creation of a genuinely fair electoral playing field via a rigged campaign finance system and the rollback of voting rights. The oligarchs bring in cheap immigrant labour but prevent immigrants from getting citizenship. The oligarchs buy politicians. Democracy -- real democracy -- is a threat to them. America gave birth to the idea of popular sovereignty, but who in America today believes that it is the people who rule? We will get policies for the rest of us when the rest of us have real political power.Lesson 3: Inequality is objectionable, but more fundamental is articulating how people are denied the things that they need. In Greece it was possible to argue that austerity was preventing people from getting life's basics like living wage jobs, health care, food and electricity. We need to identify sharply what people's needs are -- and just as sharply, why those needs are being denied.Lesson 4: Draw a link between what working people need and what society as a whole needs. Syriza convinced even conservative Europeans that it deserved to be listened to because it was proposing policies that could credibly address a problem that many agreed on: the need to stimulate demand in Greece specifically and the Eurozone generally. We also need to demand stimulus in the U.S.Lesson 5: Have a program. Say what you will do -- don't get dragged into debates about how you will do it. Syriza convinced voters that it was going to take action to end austerity. Incessantly, the right, the media and the European elite tried to goad them into saying that executing their program would require leaving the Eurozone, but they never took the bait.Lesson 6: A program needs spokespeople, and it really helps when those spokespeople are or will be in government. Alexis Tsipras and other top Syriza leaders like new finance minister Yanis Varoufakis campaigned for their party, and voters could cast a single, uncomplicated vote for the individual and the party. This is a huge challenge in the U.S. A new party in the American winner-take-all system runs smack into the rules that almost always make a third party vote "wasted" or a "spoiler." We have too much respect for voters to suggest these two options as a credible strategy for building power, and it's why rule changes in voting systems themselves remain an important piece of what we must accomplish.Lesson 7: Like Greeks, Americans think that their political system is broken -- and they want an alternative. This is fundamental to Syriza's victory. Many Greeks who would not describe themselves as being on the "radical left" and who heard all of the threats about what would happen if Syriza got elected voted for them anyway. They did so because everyone knew that Syriza owed nothing to the oligarchs. Therefore, they could credibly claim that electing them was in and of itself a direct attack on a broken political system that was itself responsible for austerity and corruption.Lesson 8: No mourning for the golden days. The immediate policies that the new Greek government proposes to implement are all rollbacks of "reforms" that were forced on them by their creditors. That could have been presented as going back to some tolerable previous status quo. Instead, the new government has denounced the old as corrupt and undemocratic, saying that it intends to destroy once and for all the grip of the country's oligarchs on power. Finally, a word on Podemos. For those not paying close attention, Podemos ("We Can") is the new left-wing party in Spain that is shaking things up there. The Spanish elections are in the fall. Spain has a much bigger economy than Greece, and so the prospect of an anti-austerity, anti-oligarchs party in power there is an even deeper challenge to the economic status quo. No doubt Podemos will come under withering attack from what the American populists in the 1870s first named "the money power," as the Syriza government in Greece already has. We should do what we can to support them. After all, their struggle really is our struggle. Ted Fertik is currently working on a PhD in history at Yale University. From 2008 to 2010 he was an organizer with the Working Families Party in New York and Oregon. Dan Cantor is the National Director of the Working Families Party. Source URL |