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Letter from Greek Political Prisoner Kostas Gournas, 5/4/10 Printer friendly page Print This
By Kostas Gournas. Introduction and Translation by Noah Cohen.
Eleftherotypia (Greek). Axis of Logic (English)
Thursday, May 13, 2010

As the Greek government was announcing that the country would now be under the economic management of the IMF in early April, and the passage of new and harsher austerity measures, Greek newspapers and television were suddenly filled with the high-profile arrest of six alleged “domestic terrorists,” members of the underground organization Revolutionary Struggle (Epanastatikos Agonas). The state-coordinated media frenzy was worthy of the United States itself. Police propaganda was passed off as news and fulfilled range of functions for social control--from distracting the population from the news of government capitulation to control by Europe and the US, to scaring people away from revolutionary alternatives.

With considerable bravery, three accused members of Revolutionary Struggle (Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis and Kostas Gournas) refused to acknowledge the legitimacy of the state and its proceedings against them, and declared their political responsibility for Revolutionary Struggle and its history of action.

Included below Kostas' letter:

  • Defense excerpts from six arrested in Revolutionary Struggle case, included below Kostas' letter.
  • Statement by Revolutionary Struggle

The following letter from Kostas Gournas, describing his arrest and torture, was published on May 12 in the mainstream Greek newspaper Eleftherotypia. I've translated as best I can.

- Noah Cohen, Boston


Letter from Greek Political Prisoner Kostas Gournas, 5/4/10

Trikala Prison

4/10/10, about 10 in the evening. A Rapid Response [Amesi Drasi] patrol approaches me on the street in Nea Philadelphia. Two cops point their guns and put handcuffs on me. I the next minute a member of the antiterrorism unit arrives in a "Freewind" and, clearly relieved, shouts "That's him." After a wild ride, with the cops anxious and the "anti[terrorist]" calming them down, we reach GADA (the central police headquarters for Attica). The lift takes us to the 12th floor. The door opens and three masked men get to work. With the first blows of my greeting they tell me to undress. Many questions follow and my stance of refusal enrages them. The threats begin: "Take him to Hymettus. Go bring his kids here and let’s kill them in front of him."

At the same time, the beating continues with fists, knees etc., with special preference for the body and not the face. Of course, my continued stance of refusal "enflames" also some fists to the face (the bruises on my face were visible in my appearance before the prosecutor). Suddenly I notice that a lot of them have gathered together. Their fury to learn facts from me before my arrest is publicized makes them forget their masks. There were about seven individuals now in the room. Now they start the more "professional" methods of interrogation. A headlock until I lose consciousness, intense pressure on my face, and all these things while I'm naked. There were some pauses in between, of course, for me to stare at the wall and think things over.  The questions continued together with the resumption of knees to the groin. Things get out of hand. Time is passing and the "anti" have lost control. I keep falling to protect myself from the blows and they keep lifting me up. The pauses stop. Seven or eight individuals, masked and not, all beat me with batons. A strong blow to the back of my head, with the result that I nearly lose consciousness, puts and end to the torture.

When I regain my senses a little, I become aware that my body is in a very bad state. My extremities have grown completely numb and swollen. The strain of my condition has caused difficulty breathing, and due to low blood circulation (a mark of Thalassemia) I feel that my blood pressure is low. I understand that this condition will continue until morning, in definitely worse circumstances. I suffer some kind of crisis and collapse. The masked men seem uneasy, but they wait. They make me sit down and throw water in my face. They are not yet convinced, but my symptoms intensify. They ask me if I take medicine and I utter for them the word "anemia." They don't seem convinced, but, for good or ill, they call for the director of the Antiterrorism Unit. Finally, clearly uneasy, they call a doctor who examines me and they bring me to the hospital, not wanting to risk that I suffer something inside GADA (police headquarters). There, after some time, I start recovering, and in a poor condition they bring me to my cell. The whole procedure must have taken about three hours (I say "must" because I had lost my sense of time because of the physical and mental effort I had expended), but a detailed description of the torture has been omitted. Honestly, I can no longer remember the faces of my torturers. 

On the following morning, a more "friendly" method of interrogation begins. The temporal duration of this "approach" lasted right up to evening before my preventive custody in Trikala Prison. Three high ranking cadre in the anti-terrorism unit had the role as protagonists. As if nothing had happened on the prior evening ("Come on, kid, you've had a couple of slaps") the offers were luxurious. Cigarettes, water, refreshments, sandwich, coffee and ... a little whiskey with fries were always at my disposal. This "friendly" approach contained the same questions which they had put to me during my torture, as well as some different ones. It was all quite theatrical. CD's with telephone conversations, photographs, antiterrorists in the role of barista with disc in hand!!!

All this because I was "the cultivated one, with a wife and kids," whereas the others were "perverted, crazy" and many other things. From the beginning they were betting on the fact that I am a father of young children and would cooperate. "Aren't you thinking about your children, how they will grow up? Talk to us and we'll make sure you get out of prison in a few years." They even offered me money a little before I made my "defense" in the arraignment. "Talk to us and we'll give you 50 thousand to give your wife. No one will know about it." The following days passed with the same ordeal continuing every 3-4 hours. They deployed of course also a younger cadre, about my age, in the hope that he might have better luck. So passed the days until 4/17 when I was brought, together with B. Stathopoulos, to Trikala prison. The fact that I DID NOT COLLABORATE was surely rewarded with my preventive detention at such a great distance in kilometers, which deprives me substantially of the capacity to see my wife and children. Out of there, surely. Their basic goal is to make my communication with my comrades P. Roupa and N. Maziotes difficult.

To make matters clear …  I chose to publicize my torture by the vile members of the antiterrorism unit after the "Political Letter to Society " for very definite reasons. First of all, I assign my torture, but also the "friendly approach," to the exact same procedure: INTERROGATION. The basic goal of the torture was not revenge, but the extraction of information.  I want it to become fully understood that I am writing these letters now, after taking responsibility for my participation in Revolutionary Struggle, in order to declare that I AM NOT A VICTIM OF STATE REPRESSION.  The publication of these facts does not constitute in any case a charge of torture. My goal is to demonstrate the antiquated and ineffective methods of interrogation and to contribute my experience as a moment of struggle in the condition of imprisonment.

I declare that my determined stance follows the proud, revolutionary tradition of all those who have found themselves prisoners of the state.

I feel proud of my participation in Revolutionary Struggle, the path it carved out and its significant interventions in social-class war. Neither torture nor psychological war nor the annihilating punishments which they are preparing for us will bring me to my knees. I am stronger than ever and I owe this to my immovable faith in the struggle and in revolution. Now I can look my children in the eyes and with pride. Besides, their birth on December 6 2008 gives me an obligation to continue to struggle. Finally, with this text I want to honor my comrade Lambros Foundas who was murdered by the state. The battle that this beautiful fighter gave will always remain engraved in the hearts of all of us.

NOTHING IS ENDED – EVERYTHING CONTINUES TOWARD REVOLUTION
 
Kostas Gournas
Trikala Prison
Wing E1

05/04/2010

 


Defense excerpts from six arrested in Revolutionary Struggle case (plus update and chronology)

April 30, 2010

Nikos Maziotis

Responding to the question “Do you accept or deny the charges?”:
“I am a revolutionary, and I am fighting an unjust, criminal regime known as the state and capitalism. If anyone should make a plea in defense, it is not me but those who are accusing me: the police and judges who serve the rich. I, for my part, am in the right, and I will not apologize for myself.”

Panagiota “Pola” Roupa
Responding to the same question:
“I am a revolutionary, and I do not recognize your proceedings. The criminals and terrorists are you and the system you serve: the state and capitalism.”

Sarandos Nikitopoulos
“I am being singled out for my political activity. I have been politically active in the anarchist and antiauthoritarian milieu ever since I was very little, and I can assure you that I as well as hundreds of others before me were already in the authorities’ sights, and that will continue. I consider the legal persecution against me to be based on and a product of my own political activity, as well as that of the entire anarchist milieu. Cases like Thessaloniki—in which even video recordings show police planting bags containing “illegal” items near people in order to charge them—or the imprisonment of demonstrator Mario Z. in Athens, and many others, must put an end to this blind faith in police accusations.”

Kostas Gournas
The prosecutor: “What do you say in your defense? Do you accept or deny the charges?”
Kostas: “I am not going to answer. I do not recognize these proceedings. Since the age of 20, I have been a worker and have taken part in the social and class struggle in Greece. I am against the regime, the political system, and the economic system. I am not a terrorist. The terrorists are the ones on the 12th floor of police headquarters who gave me a beating and threatened to kill my children.”

Vaggelis Stathopoulos
“Mixing me up in the Revolutionary Struggle case is a consequence of my political convictions. I do not condemn any type or method of struggle. My political activity has always taken place in broad daylight.”

Christoforos Kortesis
Through his lawyers, he said that he will testify alone under certain specific conditions. He demanded in writing that “they have to clearly specify the charge common to all six of us that refers to my involvement in specific actions claimed by Revolutionary Struggle.” He also demanded an itemization of the evidence for each action.

_____

Our comrades were quickly transferred to different prisons: Kostas Gournas and Vaggelis Stathopoulos to Trikala, Christoforos Kortesis to Corinth, Panagiota “Pola” Roupa to Eleona womens’ prison near Thebes (let’s remember that our comrade is seven months pregnant), and Nikos Maziotis and Sarandos Nikitopoulos to Korydallos prison in Athens. On Sunday, April 25, simultaneous solidarity demonstrations and marches took place outside Trikala, Corinth, and Eleona prisons (where, apart from Pola, Konstantina Karakatsani is also locked up after her arrest in the Fire Cells Conspiracy case).

On April 29, three of the charged comrades (Maziotis, Roupa, and Gournas) published a statement in which they proudly claim their participation in the actions of Revolutionary Struggle (Epanastatikos Agonas) and recognize that comrade Lambros Foundas, who was murdered by police bullets over a month ago, was part of the group. The letter is very long (11 pages; excerpts here), and a translation will be attempted in the coming days.
_____

Revolutionary Struggle are thought to be responsible for the following attacks, all in Athens:

  • September 5, 2003: Bombing at courthouse.
  • March 14, 2004: Bombing at Citibank subsidiary in Psychico neighborhood.
  • May 5, 2004: Bombing at police station in Perissos neighborhood.
  • October 29, 2004: Bombing of police buses.
  • June 2, 2005: Bombing at Labor Ministry.
  • December 12, 2005: Bombing at Finance Ministry in Syntagma Square, near Parliament.
  • May 30, 2006: Attempted assassination of Georgios Voulgarakis, former Minister of Public Order, now Minister of Culture.
  • January 12, 2007: Wasp 58 LAW rocket attack on United States Embassy.
  • April 30, 2007: Shots fired at police station in Nea Ionia neighborhood.
  • October 24, 2008: Bombing at Shell offices in Palaio Faliro neighborhood.
  • December 23, 2008: Shots fired at riot police bus near Athens University in Goudi neighborhood.
  • January 5, 2009: Shots fired at police guarding Culture Ministry in Exarcheia neighborhood. One riot cop critically wounded.
  • February 18, 2009: Car bombing at Citibank headquarters in Kifissia neighborhood. Bomb fails to detonate.
  • March 9, 2009: Bombing at Citibank subsidiary in Nea Ionia neighborhood.
  • May 12, 2009: Bombing at Eurobank subsidiary in Argyroupoli neighborhood.
  • September 2, 2009: Car bombing causes serious damage to Stock Exchange building.

Source: Liberación Total and Signalfire

cross posted from http://thisisourjob.wordpress.com/


Revolutionary Struggle issues a statement
and claims "Political Responsibility".

Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis and Kostas Gournas, three of the six members of Revolutionary Struggle who were arrested, have published a 16-page letter (in the Athens weekly Pontiki) in which they claimed "Political Responsibility". Extracts of their letter follow:

We claim the political responsibility for participation to Revolutionary Struggle. We declare that comrade Lambros Foundas, who died in [the Athens suburb of ] Dafni on March 10, 2010, after a shoot-out with the cops, also participated in Revolutionary Struggle.The fight he gave was one for materialising the subversive plan collectively decided by Revolutionary Struggle. It was a struggle for revolution and for freedom.

We also declare that we are very proud of our group, Revolutionary Struggle, we are proud of our history, of every moment of our political action. We are proud of comrade Lambros Foundas, who we honour and will always do so.

As much as the mechanisms of repression might believe that by imprisoning us they will do away with us, they are wrong. Whether outside or inside prisons the struggle, which for us is a matter of honour and dignity, will continue.

As much as the two terrorists, [PM] Papandreou and [minister of public order] Chrisochoidis laugh smugly, as much as they believe they have safeguarded the security necessary for their social-fascist party to continue with the application of its criminal plans against society, waging their tails now that their American superiors congratulate them, as much as they claim they are done with a serious threat for their regime, we assure them they will not do away with us easily.

As long as we are alive, for as long as we live and breathe, we will do our best to pose problems to their antisocial and criminal plans.

And if our hunters and the political authorities of this country believe they have the entire society on their side, if they believe that the majority of the people consider us to be a social threat, they are mistaken. For the majority of the population, the social threat comes from the government passing one anti-social measure after the other, by dictation of the crows of capital which “bribe”, with the cash they have at their disposal, the state mechanism. Terrorism is the years-long neoliberal policy imposed by the parties in power with the toleration or support of smaller parties. Terrorism is the application of the stability plan which has so far caused large segments of the population to watch this unprecedented attack against them in fear.

Terrorism is not having the most basic material to survive, having your wage and your pension taken away, the bank confiscating your house, living in lethal pollution. Terrorism is  living everyday under a regime of fear for your own survival.

[...]

The objective conditions are now ideal. Let’s form the subjective conditions required for us to attempt the revolution. This is our chance.

LONG LIVE REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE!

HONOUR TO COMRADE LAMBROS FOUNDAS!

LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTION!

POLA ROUPA

NIKOS MAZIOTIS

KOSTAS GOURNAS

Source: After the Greek Riots

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