“The Revolution Came and The Revolution Went;
Unrest Turned Back Into Discontent”
- Marat Sade
Can The Egyptian People Sustain Their Momentum To Continue To Push For Deeper Change?
It
is now the long morning after, as protesters returned to Tahrir Square
to clean it up and savor their victory. There were even some initial
scuffles with the military that may be over anxious to assert control
and show that it is in charge.
In
all the joy of the moment—the type of joy we see so rarely these days
in the news—in all the electrifying coverage, and congratulations in the
capitals of the West that stood by Mubarak for decades, there is still
vast uncertainty.
The
Egyptian military, now nominally in charge, has no culture of democracy
much less any history of fostering real change. Funded with support
from abroad, it is subject to influences from all its many new found
friends of “democracy,” especially its patrons in Washington.
It
has already sounded the trumpet of reassurance that it will live up to
its promises to assure new elections while keeping the country’s foreign
commitments intact including the peace treaty with a nervous Israel,
and likely is loyalty to the war on terror as well.
It
has now dissolved the parliament and suspended the constitution,
meeting two key demands of pro-democracy protesters. At the same time, it has also, so far, committed itself to keep the structure of the Mubarak regime in place.
How will this sit with a euphoric Egyptian public?
So
far, we have seen a takeover, but not yet the makings of a
transformation. When millions of people were in the streets, they had
power. When they are not, power reverts to institutions and a
bureaucracy considered the most stifling in the world.
Egypt has been a police state with more than a million informers. That will not change easily.
Already
a CIA assistance team has been dispatched, all in the name of
guaranteeing democracy, of course. The Mossad’s role has been more low
key but you can assume it's there.
Almost every revolution is menaced by the threat of a counter-revolution and this one is no exception.
On the American right, the big fear stoked by Fox Fuhrer Glenn Beck is from the Islamic boogieman. "This
isn't about Egypt, this is the story of everyone who has ever plotted,
or wanted, to fundamentally change or destroy the Western way of life,”
he and his cronies warn.
On
the left, the worry is that the movement for change is not organized
enough to insure change, or even clear about what it wants now. Its
leaderless momentum won Mubarak’s ouster, but can it win its desire for a
real democracy and economic justice?
As
Germany’s Der Spiegel reminds us, Egypt has been plundered by a
kleptocracy, and corruption is deeply engrained, with the military is
deeply part of it.
”It
was Egypt's economic decline, however, that fuelled the greatest anger.
In the 1970s, the country could still be measured against economies
like that of South Korea. But when the Asian countries began their
ascent, Egypt couldn't keep up.
“Reforms
undertaken that were intended to consolidate the national budget
largely benefitted the middle and upper classes. The suffering of the
poor merely continued to grow -- and with it, the rage. Rumors have been
the only information available about the scope of the dictator's
wealth. Still, they have been sufficient to fuel the hatred.”
Part of the problem has been the way the military dominates Egypt’s economy, as Andrew S Ross explained on Bloomberg News
"It's a business conglomerate, like General Electric," said Robert Springborg, professor of national security affairs at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, referring to the Egyptian military. "It's represented in virtually every sector of the economy."
So is what's good for Egypt's GE good for the country, now that the military is, at least temporarily, in formal control?
In a September 2008 classified cable recently released by WikiLeaks, U.S. Ambassador to Egypt Margaret Scobey wrote,
"We see the military's role in the economy as a force that generally
stifles free market reform by increasing direct government involvement
in the markets."
Fixing the economy won’t be easy as another African government (Yes,
Egypt is also in Africa) empowered by a people’s revolution found out.
The inspiring victory of Nelson Mandela confronted many of the issues
that Egypt now faces. Apartheid had wrecked the economy leaving it with
the deepest inequality in the world.
Mandela’s
movement backed a Reconstruction and Development plan (RDP) to make
major changes. It was widely supported by the people who fought for
change, but then the World Bank and the IMF stepped in. South Africa was
warned it would lose western support and financing if it moved in a
direction these powerful institutions opposed. The pressure was intense and Mandela buckled. He abandoned the policy.
All
these years later, South Africa remains mired in an economic crisis
with nearly 40% unemployment. Its fickle “friends” in the West who
expressed so much concern then moved on after their interests were
protected.
Egypt
needs help and solidarity from its real friends, as well as the
vigilance of its own people, to insure that its Revolution is not
betrayed or twisted beyond recognition to serve the interests of a few.
At
the same time, what will the United States do to realign policies that
assured Mubarak’s survival for three decades, policies that got so
little attention in a media mesmerized by drama and action.
Will the spirit of democracy that President Obama so eloquently supported lead to a new approach?
Political Scientist Michael Brenner explains the challenge,
‘The
fall of Hosni Mubarak in Egypt calls for a rethink of American strategy
in the Middle East. Egypt has been the keystone of a set of
interlocking policies on Palestine, on the suppression of Islamist
movements, and on resisting the spread of Iranian influence. The
American organized and led concert includes the Arab triad of Egypt,
Saudi Arabia and Jordan.
A
tacit member is Israel. This improbable coalition is cemented by
convergent national interests as each government defines them.
Paramount is regime survival. The three Arab autocracies live in dread
of popular uprisings that could drive them from power. Discontent
varies in intensity – being highest in Egypt as now has been made
manifest.”
Manifest
it was but will it remain so? When the cameras were focused on the
streets, we could see what was going on. As decision-making moves into
the suites and barracks, and as the cameras move on, it will be harder for the whole world to watch what happens now.
News
Dissector Danny Schechter edits Mediachannel.org. His new film is
Plunder The Crime of our time on the financial crisis as a crime story.
(Plunderthecrimeofourtime.com) Comments to dissector@mediachannel.org
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