After
years of secret trade negotiations over the future of intellectual
property rights (and limits on those rights), the public gets a chance
to looks at the results. For those of us who care about free speech and a
balanced intellectual property system that encourages innovation,
creativity, and access to knowledge, it’s not a pretty picture.
On Thursday, Wikileaks published a complete draft of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP)
agreement’s chapter on “intellectual property rights.” The leaked text,
from August 2013, confirms long-standing suspicions about the harm the
agreement could do to users’ rights and a free and open Internet. From
locking in excessive copyright term limits to further entrenching failed
policies that give legal teeth to Digital Rights Management (DRM)
tools, the TPP text we’ve now seen reflects a terrible but unsurprising
truth: an agreement negotiated in near-total secrecy, including
corporations but excluding the public, comes out as an anti-user wish
list of industry-friendly policies.
Despite the Obama administration’s top U.S.
negotiators’ fast approaching their self-imposed 2013 deadline to
complete the agreement, this week's leak is the public’s first look at
the sprawling text since a February 2011 leak [pdf] of the same chapter and a July 2012
leak of an individual section. And even as the public has been
completely shut out, the U.S. Trade Representative has lobbied for wider
latitude to negotiate and for “fast-track authority” to bypass
Congressional review.
The document Wikileaks has published
contains nearly 100 pages of bracketed text—meaning it includes
annotated sections that are proposed and opposed by the negotiating
countries. The text is not final, but the story it tells so far is
unmistakable: United States negotiators (with occasional help from
others) repeatedly pushing for restrictive policies, and facing only
limited opposition, coming from countries like Chile, Canada, New
Zealand, and Malaysia.
Copyright Terms
The leaked chapter features proposals for setting a new “floor” for copyright duration,
ranging from the already problematic U.S. term of life of the author
plus 70 years to an incredible life of the author plus 100 years,
proposed by Mexico. Such bloated term lengths benefit only a vanishingly
small portion of available works, and impoverish the public domain
of our collective history. The U.S. is also pushing for countries to
embrace terms lengths of 95 years for corporate and 120 years for
unpublished works.
Extending term lengths in the U.S. was
already a bad idea. The U.S. Trade Rep shouldn’t be compounding it by
forcing other countries to follow suit. Countries around the world that
have shorter term lengths than the U.S. celebrate the arrival each year
of new works into the public domain, and the economic activity that can
accompany them. Since the 1998 passage of the Sonny Bono Copyright Term
Extension Act, however, the U.S. will see no new published works enter
the public domain until 2019. The proposal in TPP would export that sort
of restriction to all the countries that join it.
These expansive terms have also exacerbated the widely recognized problem of “orphan works”
also known as “hostage works.” These are works where the rightsholder
can’t be identified or located and, therefore, folks are afraid to use
them, publish them online, etc, lest the rightsholder appear at last and
file a lawsuit. As a result, millions of works effectively disappear
from the cultural commons until their copyright terms at long last
expire. Earlier this year, the U.S. Register of Copyrights advised a reduction or limitation in term length
as a possible solution. Crystallizing U.S. term lengths in
international agreements would frustrate efforts to enact such
reasonable policies. This is a classic example of policy laundering, whereby corporate interests use secretive international forums to trump the democratic process at the national level.
Fair Use and Fair Dealing
Although the addition of the “3-step test” for fair use provisions was hailed by the U.S. Trade Representative
as a major step forward for users’ rights in trade agreements, its
original intention has been subverted. It now may serve as a ceiling on
rights, and not a floor.
The agreement claims not to confine copyright limitations and exceptions further than earlier deals, such as the Berne Convention, but early analysis from groups like Knowledge Ecology International (KEI)
suggests that’s not the case. Functionally, TPP as drafted creates a
tightly circumscribed space in which countries can grant rights like
fair use and fair dealing to its citizens.
Given the important role that flexibility
in copyright has played in enabling innovation and free speech, it’s a
terrible idea to restrict that flexibility in a trade agreement.
Intermediary liability
The newly leaked text reveals substantial disagreement
over the language on copyright liability for Internet Service Providers
(ISPs) and other online platforms. The February 2011 leak contained
extensive language that would have imposed regulatory requirements to police users’ activities online and paved the way for systems like three-strikes take down policies and ISPs filtering and blocking access to websites that allegedly infringe or facilitate copyright infringement.
Even though the text appears to be very
much in flux, it’s clear from the leaked chapter that Canada is pushing
back hard against U.S. pressure to adopt draconian copyright enforcement
measures. A majority of countries appear to be proposing language that
would give them some flexibility to limit the liability of ISPs, so they
can develop enforcement frameworks that best suit their national laws
and priorities. That flexibility is essential to staving off copyright
enforcement laws that in practice would violate users’ free speech and
privacy. And yet the U.S., backed by Australia, opposes this language.
Anti-Circumvention
The leaked draft includes controversial
language calling for laws prohibiting the circumvention of
“technological protection measures,” also known as DRM.
The U.S. has had such a law in place for over 15 years, and it’s been a
disaster for free speech and competition, chilling the legitimate
speech of innovators, filmmakers, security researchers, and many others. In fact, it’s so bad that President Obama and many in Congress
have said it must be reformed. Just as much of the U.S. public is
realizing our anti-circumvention law was a mistake in the first place,
we’re not only trying to export it but also potentially impeding our own
ability to fix it.
Despite numerous heroic proposals for
fixes, most notably from Canada and Chile, the articles as drafted
include many such dangerous provisions. Though the text remains
unsettled, the current proposal calls for criminal liability for
violations of these anti-circumvention provisions, except for when
conducted by a non-profit.
Worse, because of the broad language, this
criminal liability could apply to people circumventing these
restrictions even where the underlying work is not covered by copyright.
Temporary Copies
The strict regulation of temporary copies reflected in the February 2011 leak
was a startling throwback to an outmoded and dangerous idea: that
copyright should apply even to ephemeral copies. The implications are
staggering. Computers and networks create, in the normal course of
operation, temporary and ephemeral copies. Regulations on these sorts of
copies, as described in the earlier leak, would interfere with basic
technical operations and give rightsholders an opportunity to sit on an
essential chokepoint of the Internet.
Fortunately, negotiators may have
recognized the fundamental folly of this proposal. Although the U.S. has
yet to support any reasonable text on this topic, the leaked draft
included a proposed clarification that temporary copies may be exempted
from copyright restrictions. Language from Chile, New Zealand, and Malaysia proposes that countries may make these exemptions for:
temporary acts of
reproduction which are transient or incidental and an integral and
essential part of a technological process and whose sole purpose is to
enable (a) a lawful transmission in a network between third parties by
an intermediary; or (b) a lawful use of a work; and which have no
independent economic significance.
Similar language appears in a footnote proposed by a larger group of countries
that does not include the U.S., and which negotiators have noted faces
“no substantive objection to the concept” but which is not yet
finalized.
Patents
The leaked draft reveals that the US is pushing hard
for provisions expanding the reach of patent law and limiting ways in
which a patent may be revoked. These proposals are meeting widespread
opposition from the other participants. For example, the U.S.
proposes—and nearly every other nation opposes—that patents be made
available for inventions that are “plants and animals.”
The U.S. also proposes language that would
prohibit denying “a patent solely on the basis that the product did not
result in enhanced efficacy of the known product.” Again, nearly every
other nation opposes the U.S. on this issue. And a good thing too.
Setting the bar to patentability too low locks up innovation. Advocates
for access to medicine argue that it allows pharmaceutical companies
delay generic entry through “evergreening.” In other technology areas, the U.S. is seeing the terrible consequences of a flood of low-quality software patents,
many of which are for minor improvements on existing technology.
There’s no reason for an international treaty to export the problems of
the U.S. patent regime.
Conclusion
The latest TPP leak confirms our
longstanding fears about these negotiations. The USTR is pushing for
regulations that would, for the most part, put the desires of major
content and patent owners over the needs of the public. No wonder the
negotiators want to keep the process secret. There are marginal
improvements since February 2011, but they are not enough. Real and
substantially balanced proposals will not happen unless and until
negotiators can be held accountable to the public for the proposals they
are making.
Rest assured: if they can't be challenged
now, they will surely be challenged later. Internet users have proven
that they will not stand for backroom deals that put their freedoms at
risk.
Source: ZCommunications
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