Despite
the repeal of Peruvian President Alan Garcia’s controversial executive
decrees, it appears as though the Amazon is still very much for sale.
Earlier this year, violent demonstrations erupted over Garcia’s decrees
that attempted to open
Peru to foreign (read: extractive) investment in accordance with its free trade agreement with the
U.S.
In Bagua, located in the Northern Peruvian Amazon, the official death
toll is said to have reached 33, (10 civilians and 23 police officers).
Other accounts, however, claim that up to 40 indigenous civilians were
killed. Although the violence has resided, at least for the time being,
the larger underlying issues are far from resolved. Moreover, the
neoliberal tendency of taking advantage of indigenous resources is
evolving into more complex and duplicitous forms.
Neoliberalism in the Amazon
Outside of
Pucallpa,
south of where the violent demonstrations erupted, Shipibo indigenous
leaders are finding themselves pressed by the same issues as their
Northern counterparts. PeruPetro, the country’s hydrocarbon licensing
agency, is pursuing an aggressive policy in the region. While I was
working in the Amazon with a U.S.-based NGO, Village Earth, I was told
of multiple occasions in which PeruPetro contacted community leaders
directly. It does not appear that the indigenous population has the
legal grounds on which to contest the decisions of the state agency,
but it is clear that PeruPetro is required to at least inform the
indigenous population of their intent to explore, and later exploit,
the oil-yielding potential of their land. Thus, to maintain the state
agency’s thin guise of legitimacy, PeruPetro has made it common
practice to solicit indigenous leadership’s approval.
Shipibo
land, which is located within an oil block with rights belonging to
PetroVietnam, is not only threatened by oil extraction. It could also
become the focus of a number of other extractive industries. Although
it has not yet become a pressing matter for the Shipibo, many of
Garcia’s decrees were not only aimed at encouraging oil development in
the Amazon, but also pertained to a diverse array of natural resource
development, including forestry, water, irrigation and mining.
And
it seems as though Garcia’s wish, and perhaps even more significantly
the wish of many of his predecessors, is becoming a reality. Big oil is
currently big business in the Amazon. Whereas in 2004 only 13% was
slated for oil and gas development, in 2006 approximately 73% of the
Peruvian Amazon was under contract for either exploration or production
purposes. Today it is near 80%. Significantly, 58 of the 64 blocks that
have been leased to oil companies are located on lands that are legally
titled to indigenous peoples and 14 blocks overlap natural reserves
that are inhabited by indigenous peoples living in voluntary isolation.
[1]
Proponents
of neo-liberal “market” policies, which appear to be on a constant
rampage to commodify every last inch of the planet, have happily
encouraged the “opening” of the Amazon to foreign capital investment.
Peruvian proponents of such policies, including President Garcia, have
argued that such investment is the way to “modernize” the Amazon and
make it productive. Anyone who impedes such noble “progress” is seen as
selfish and a traitor. In fact, as if Garcia’s disdain and disrespect
for the Native people of his country were not obvious enough through
his classification of them as “second class citizens,” two years ago,
Garcia wrote an opinion column in which he compared them to a
gardener’s dog. Depicting the population as irrational and selfish, he
claimed that, “like a gardener’s dog, they do not only eat from the
garden, but they will also prevent others from eating.” [2] Thus,
according to Garcia and his allies, indigenous people’s traditional use
of their land is an impediment to “progress.”
Evolution of the Discourse
Beyond
Garcia’s blatantly racist application of neoliberal policies, a much
more clever and well-articulated argument in favor of the crusade for
neoliberalism is becoming paramount in national discussions. While
Garcia’s lack of sophistication has made his argument easy to pick
apart, leading Peruvian economist, Hernando De Soto, has framed his
push toward neoliberalism in a much more favorable light. Instead of
blatantly embedding his argument in Garcia’s racist discourse,
De Soto
has cleverly co-opted the language of leftist intellectuals. Instead of
focusing on the “backwards” culture of indigenous groups, like Garcia
has,
De Soto argues
that in order to fully allow the native population to participate in
the capitalist economy, laws must be applied uniformly to them. While
on the surface this argument seems like a logical move toward equality,
it is important to note that in the context of many Amazonian tribes,
it is perhaps even more dangerous than Garcia’s decrees.
Under
a worldview that operates in terms of a “developed-undeveloped”
dichotomy, Hernando De Soto has made it his goal to discover why the
capitalist system has worked so well in the Western world (an
interesting assertion in and of itself), and so poorly in the rest of
the world. His work concludes that capital is successfully generated
through legally recognized individual land ownership and consequently
one’s ability to leverage his or her resources for credit. While his
recommendation of legally allotting individual land may be desirable in
squatter villages without land titles, it could have dire consequences
for native populations, many of which already hold titles to their
land.
Contrary to
De Soto’s
vision, however, most indigenous groups hold their land under common
title and many even chose to hold and work the land in a communal
format. For
De Soto,
this communal land is unproductive, because individuals are unable to
use it to produce more capital without the permission of the entire
community. What he so often fails to discuss, however, is that in
risking your land for credit, you can potentially lose it. Thus, it
becomes evident that with private interests salivating at the chance of
getting their hands on a piece of the Amazon, it is likely that
communities would be greatly disturbed by even one or two individuals
being forced to default on their loans. By individualizing and
privatizing indigenous land, extractive industry would be able to apply
a new version of their divide-and-conquer tactics, as indigenous groups
would have little legal ground to stand on when opposing the sale of
the neighbor’s land to an oil company. If even very few individuals in
desperate situations could be bought off, the entire community could be
at risk of being destroyed through the impacts of the extractive
industries.
Ironically, one of
De Soto’s
predominant arguments is that the norms of the wealthy and the poor
must be melded and incorporated into law. However, his policy makes no
exception or variation in the case of indigenous groups with long
histories of engrained societal norms and very distinct cultures.
Instead, his one-size-fits-all policy has become a cornerstone for
moving the Amazon toward the wonders of the capitalist world. Cleverly
framing his suggestions as a move toward affording the indigenous
population the rights that the rest of the country already has, he acts
as though he is supporting equality.
In reality, while his work claims
to incorporate indigenous culture, it only does so to the extent that
they are able to be successful capitalists. It is vital, then, that the
indigenous population moves away from its communal use of land, and
instead adopts the rules of the West. This, he argues, will allow them
to follow in the foot steps of first world progress. He fails to
discuss the effect leveraging a house for credit has had on the
U.S.
market, and additionally takes no note of the negative historical
implications of individualization and privatization of U.S. Native
Americans had on their culture. By omitting the horrific historical
implications that land privatization and individualization has had on
Native Americans, De Soto creates a policy that is unable (or
unwilling) to foresee a number of problematic outcomes of his work.
The Academic-Political Connection
All of
De Soto’s
arguments would be well and fine if they remained sequestered in the
academic world. Unfortunately for indigenous groups in the Amazon, this
is not the case.
De Soto and his organization, the Institute for
Liberty and Democracy, have the ear of many a world leader. Garcia is amongst those with which
De Soto has developed a relationship. This is only logical. While Garcia and
De Soto
verbalize a differential amount of respect for indigenous culture,
their policies are like opposite sides of the same coin. Garcia’s
decrees work to open the Amazon to foreign investment and promote free
trade. In Garcia’s mind, this would appear to eliminate the greedy
native people of his country.
De Soto,
on the other hand, shows a bit more compassion (and may in fact be
acting with good intentions, be they misdirected). He does not want to
eliminate indigenous people; he merely wants to eliminate any aspect of
their culture that does not allow them to be successful capitalists.
Thus,
De Soto’s
suggested policies will allow indigenous land to become the tool for
deciding the success of each individual indigenous person. If they are
successful capitalists, they will be able to maintain their land. If
not, they will lose it to the external interests that Garcia supports.
It is evident then that their seemingly distinct policies blend nicely
together to form (what, upon enacting a similar policy with Native
Americans, Theodore Roosevelt called) “a great pulverizing engine to
break up the tribal mass.”
So
while Shipibo communities and their counterparts sit under a tenuous
calm in the Amazon, it is important to note the lurking danger of not
just Garcia, but his academic equivalent. Currently,
De Soto
is sending his researchers into indigenous communities to extract
information about their titling system. He has released effective
propaganda videos and is clearly positioning himself as central to the
Peruvian Amazon debate. Therefore, while his work may appear more
benevolent at first glance, it is essential that activist and the
indigenous population be cognizant of the fact that his arguments are
potentially even more dangerous than the words of Garcia. If
unnecessary bloodshed is to be avoided and the fight to protect the
Amazon is to be won, it appears that it must be fought on both the
academic and political front.
[1] See Finer, Jenkins, Pimm, Keane, and Ross 2008.
[2] “Syndrome of the gardener's dog.” El Comercio. 10 Oct, 2007.
Jamie
holds a M.A. in Political Science from Colorado State University. She
is currently employed by Village Earth, as well as the
Alliance for Global Justice.
Upside Down World