Editor’s Commentary:
According to the 2012 report
issued this week:
Human Rights Watch is one of the world’s leading independent
organizations dedicated to defending and protecting human rights. By focusing
international attention where human rights are violated, we give voice to the
oppressed and hold oppressors accountable for their crimes. Our rigorous,
objective investigations and strategic, targeted advocacy build intense
pressure for action and raise the cost of human rights abuse. For over 30
years, Human Rights Watch has worked tenaciously to lay the legal and moral
groundwork for deep-rooted change and has fought to bring greater justice and
security to people around the world.
You can’t imagine my
disappointment in finding that my own country, Canada, doesn’t even rate a
mention. This is despite the fact that HRW maintains an office in Toronto and
must surely have noticed Canada’s social fabric.
Yet they failed to note our
systemic discrimination against: people of colour; native Canadians; unions;
the poor; the ramping up of imprisonment (along with the obvious ethnic
divides inherent in the system); our support of totalitarian régimes; our
participation in the killing fields of Afghanistan; our imposition of unreasonable personal conduct
rules on Muslims; failure to plead cases for Canadian citizens unjustly
incarcerated abroad (like at Guantánamo); corruption in the national police
force (Royal Canadian Mounted Police); indiscriminate use of tasers; blocking
the settlement of indigenous people’s land disputes; and so on.
It made me wonder how bad you have
to be for HRW to pay attention. Other countries have noted and commented on
many of our failures. But HRW appears to imply that we get a clean bill of
health. I think the correct technical term for that is ‘horseshit’.
If you happen to be from the US,
you probably haven’t noticed Canada either. But if you read the commentary on
the countries HRW criticizes, you will no doubt accept what HRW says as the
unvarnished truth. Since I know as a certainty that they have failed to condemn
many human rights shortcomings in Canada, what follows is what they think about
you. Don’t blame me – I’m just the messenger.
- prh
UNITED STATES
The US
incarcerates more people than any other country in the world, sometimes imposing
very long sentences marred by racial disparities. Increasing numbers of
non-citizens—363,000 in 2010—are held in immigration detention facilities,
although many are not dangerous or at risk of absconding from immigration proceedings.
The
federal government continues abusive counterterrorism policies, including detentions
without charge at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba; fundamentally flawed military
commissions; and effectively blocking lawsuits seeking redress for torture victims.
The US
Census reported in 2011 that 46 million people live in poverty, the largest
number in the 52 years for which poverty estimates have been published. Widespread
poverty, its many intersections with racial and gender inequalities, and its
disproportionate impact upon children and the elderly, raises serious human
rights concerns.
Death Penalty and Extreme Criminal
Punishments
In 2011
the state of Illinois joined 15 other states in abolishing the death penalty. Thirty-four
states continue to allow its imposition. At this writing 39 people have been
executed in 2011, continuing a downward trend from 2009, when 52 people were
executed.
The
state of Georgia executed Troy Davis on September 21, 2011, despite significant
doubts about his guilt. Davis, who was sentenced to death for the 1989 murder
of off-duty police officer Mark MacPhail, maintained his innocence until the
last moment. The prosecution’s case rested almost entirely on testimony from
eyewitnesses, but seven of the nine who testified against Davis at his trial recanted
and said they were no longer sure who shot MacPhail, and another three people
said that another man confessed to the crime.
While
the US Supreme Court held in 2010 that youth offenders under age 18 convicted
of non-homicide crimes could not be sentenced to life without the possibility
of parole, about 2,600 youth offenders continue to serve such a sentence for
homicide-related crimes. State-level efforts continue to reform life without
parole when sentencing youth. For example, California is slated in early 2012
to vote on a bill to allow reconsideration and resentencing of youth offenders
serving life without parole.
Youth
convicted of sex offenses in adult and juvenile courts also met with harsh treatment.
July 2011 marked the deadline for all states and other jurisdictions to comply
with the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act. The act requires jurisdictions
to register people aged 14 and up convicted of certain sexual offenses on a
national, publicly accessible, online registry. In some cases youth will be
registered for life. The Department of Justice (DOJ) says 14 states have now
substantially implemented the act.
Prison Conditions
The US
continued to have the world’s largest incarcerated population at 2.3 million, and
the world’s highest per capita incarceration rate at 752 inmates per 100,000
residents.
In
December 2010 Human Rights Watch reported on the unnecessary pre-trial detention
of thousands of people accused of minor crimes in New York City due to their
inability to pay even small amounts of bail. Almost 90 percent of those arrested
in 2008 for non-felony crimes who had bail set at US$1,000 or less were
incarcerated pre-trial solely because they could not post bail.
The US
Supreme Court decided in May that the state of California must reduce prison
overcrowding. California prisons have failed to provide adequate medical and
mental health care for decades, and a lower court panel found that prison
under-staffing and severe overcrowding had led to such substandard care. The
panel directed the state to significantly cut its prison population to improve
care; the US Supreme Court agreed.
In
February 2011 the DOJ issued its long-overdue proposed standards to implement the
Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA). While some standards meet the 2009 PREA
Commission recommendations, several proposed standards are significantly weaker.
For example, the proposed DOJ standards do not clearly require facilities to be
staffed sufficiently to prevent, detect, and respond to the sexual abuse of
prisoners. The standards would leave survivors of sexual assault without legal
remedy because they were unable to comply with unduly strict internal grievance
procedures. The proposed standards also explicitly exclude immigration
detention facilities from coverage. At this writing the final PREA standards
have not been issued.
This
year Nevada, Hawaii, Idaho, and Rhode Island enacted laws restricting the shackling
of pregnant prisoners, bringing the number of states with such laws to 14.
Racial Disparities in the Criminal
Justice System
Racial
and ethnic minorities continue to be disproportionately represented in the
criminal justice system. Whites and African Americans engage in drug offenses
at roughly equivalent rates, and African Americans account for only about 13
percent of the US population, yet African Americans comprised about 33 percent
of all drug arrests in 2009. Not surprisingly, higher arrest rates lead to
higher incarceration rates. For example, 45 percent of inmates in state prisons
for drug offenses in 2009 were African American; only 27 percent were white.
Persons
of color comprise 77 percent of all youth serving life without parole sentences.
And for the first time in the country’s history in 2011, people of Latin American
origin made up the majority of federal prisoners in the US, due to the federal
government’s increased focus on prosecuting unauthorized immigrants. African
Americans have historically borne the burden of far harsher federal sentences for crack cocaine offenses compared to powder
cocaine offenses. The Fair Sentencing Act, passed in August 2010, partially
reduced these sentencing disparities. However the act was not explicitly
retroactive. In June 2011 the US Sentencing Commission voted to make the new
sentencing guidelines retroactive, so that 12,040 offenders are now eligible
for reduced sentences.
Non-Citizens’ Rights
There
are approximately 25.3 million non-citizens in the US, of which the government estimates
10.8 million are without authorization. Sixty-one percent of these unauthorized
immigrants have lived in the US for 10 years or more.
In
fiscal year 2010 US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) deported 387,242
non-citizens—over twice as many as in fiscal year 2000—and detained over
363,000 persons in immigration detention facilities, an increase of over 50 percent
since fiscal year 2005. The unchecked expansion of immigration detention in the
US over the past two decades has led to a nationwide detention system comprised
of over 300 facilities, from small local jails to large, dedicated immigration
detention facilities.
In June
Human Rights Watch documented the vast numbers of detainees who are subjected
to chaotic, frequent, and recurrent transfers between facilities. Between 1998
and 2010 there were over two million detainee transfers. Two hundred thousand
detainees were transferred three or more times. On average, detainees were
moved 370 miles between facilities, while a common transfer route between
Pennsylvania and Texas covered 1,600 miles. The frequent transfers interfere
with detainees’ access to counsel, witnesses, evidence, and family support.
In
August the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) declared a fingerprint sharing
program mandatory, reversing prior policy. The Secure Communities program
requires local law enforcement to share fingerprints with DHS, which claims
that Secure Communities is used to identify and remove non-citizens convicted
of serious crimes. However, 59 percent of those removed under the program
between October 2008 and July 2011 had no criminal convictions or had
convictions only for minor offenses, including traffic offenses. Several local law
enforcement agencies and community groups across the country have vigorously opposed
Secure Communities, arguing it impedes community policing and encourages racial
profiling. DHS plans nationwide implementation by 2013.
In one
of the few rights-protective immigration reforms in 2011, DHS announced that it
will undertake case-by-case reviews of over 300,000 pending deportation cases
and cases deemed to be low-priority will be administratively closed, allowing
some potential deportees to remain in the country with temporary legal status.
In identifying low-priority cases DHS will weigh non-citizens’ family and
community ties, military service, and whether they arrived in the US as
children.
Congress
criticized the flaws in the country’s immigration system but failed to act. The
Senate held a hearing in June on the DREAM Act, a bill that would grant legal
status to non-citizens brought to the US as children, but it took no further action.
The House of Representatives held several hearings on bills that would tighten
border and visa security, require the detention of certain immigrants, and
reduce both unauthorized and authorized immigration, but voted on none of these
measures.
In
April the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals partially enjoined Arizona’s Senate Bill
1070 from going into effect. Governor Jan Brewer has appealed the decision to
the US Supreme Court. Alabama surpassed Arizona in mid-2011 by passing what is
likely the country’s strictest state-level immigration measure. The law criminalizes
transporting or renting to an unauthorized immigrant and requires public
schools to document their students’ immigration status, among other measures.
The Alabama law has also been temporarily partially enjoined, as have similarly
problematic laws in Utah, Indiana, and Georgia. Nevertheless, appeals courts
allowed several problematic provisions in the Alabama law to go into effect.
Labor Rights
US
workers continue to face severe obstacles in forming and joining trade unions,
and the federal government and many state governments are failing to meet their
international obligations to protect the free exercise of these rights. Several
states—including Arizona, Indiana, Michigan, New Hampshire, Ohio, Oklahoma, and
Wisconsin—placed severe restrictions in 2011 on workers’ rights to bargain
collectively.
Hundreds
of thousands of children work on US farms. The 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act
specifically exempts farmworker children from the minimum age and maximum hour
requirements that apply to all other working children, exposing them to work at
younger ages, for longer hours, and under more hazardous conditions. As a
result, child farmworkers, most of who are of Latin American descent, often
work 10 or more hours a day and risk pesticide poisoning, heat illness,
injuries, life-long disabilities, and death. More than half of all working
children who suffered fatal occupational injuries in 2010 worked in crop
production, up from previous years. Many child farmworkers drop out of school,
and girls are sometimes subjected to sexual harassment. Federal protections that
do exist are often not enforced: agricultural inspections and child labor law
violations declined in 2010. Notably, in August the Department of Labor
proposed to expand the list of hazardous agricultural tasks prohibited for children
under age 16. (Outside agriculture federal law bans hazardous work for children
under age 18).
Millions
of US workers, including parents of infants, are harmed by weak or non-existent
laws on paid leave, breastfeeding accommodation, and discrimination against
workers with family responsibilities. A February 2011 Human Rights Watch report
showed that having scarce or no paid leave contributed to delaying babies’
immunizations, postpartum depression, and other health problems, and caused
mothers to stop breastfeeding early.
Health Policy
HIV
infections in the US continued to rise at an alarming rate in 2011,
particularly in minority communities. Many states continue to undermine human
rights and public health with restrictions on sex education, inadequate legal
protections for HIV-positive persons, resistance to harm-reduction programs
such as syringe exchanges, and failure to fund HIV prevention and care. Human
Rights Watch reported in 2011 on state laws and policies that are blocking
access to HIV treatment and services in Mississippi, where half of those
testing positive for HIV are not in care and the death rate from AIDS is 60
percent higher than the national average. Human Rights Watch also highlighted
the struggle to expand syringe access to injection drug users in North
Carolina, where laws criminalizing syringe possession are forcing exchange programs
to operate underground and advocates to risk arrest on a daily basis.
Women’s and Girls’ Rights
In a
2011 decision the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights ruled that the US
violated the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man when the
government failed to enforce a restraining order obtained by a wife against an
abusive husband who abducted the couple’s daughters in Colorado in 1999.
The
commission recommended that the US make enforcement of protection orders
mandatory, adopt protection measures for children in domestic violence situations,
and better train officials on domestic violence prevention and response.
The US
Supreme Court ruled in June 2011 that 1.5 million women employees of Walmart
could not constitute a class for a class action suit against the corporation for
discrimination in pay and advancement opportunities. The decision calls into
question the viability of large-scale gender discrimination suits in the US,
where women earn an average of 77 cents for every dollar earned by men.
Rights
relating to abortion access continued to be heavily contested in 2011, with
fights at the state and national levels over insurance coverage for abortion and
over patients’ rights to information and services. Federal judges ruled against
laws in Baltimore and New York City that would have required “crisis pregnancy
centers” to inform clients that they do not provide abortions or certain methods
of contraception.
Sexual Orientation and Gender
Identity
US law
offers no protection against discrimination based on sexual orientation or
gender identity. In December 2010 President Barack Obama signed the “Don’t Ask,
Don’t Tell Repeal Act of 2010,” which repealed the discriminatory policy
barring gays and lesbians from serving openly in the US military, pending military
review. The repeal went into effect in September 2011.
The
Defense of Marriage Act continues to bar recognition of same-sex marriage at
the federal level. However, in February the DOJ informed Congress that it would
not continue defending in the courts the constitutionality of the provision that
defines “marriage” as a legal union between one man and one woman.
Same-sex
marriages are not recognized or performed in forty-one states. In June New York
state passed the Marriage Equality Act, becoming the sixth and largest state
(Washington, DC, is the seventh jurisdiction) to grant these marriage licenses.
At this writing the California Supreme Court was considering jurisdictional
questions raised by a challenge to a district court decision that California’s
2008 same-sex marriage ban (Proposition 8) was unconstitutional.
Hawaii,
Connecticut, and Nevada passed measures to ban employment discrimination based
on sexual orientation or gender identity. In August a federal appeals court
upheld a lower court’s decision that declared unconstitutional a Wisconsin law
barring transgender inmates from receiving hormone therapy or sex reassignment
surgery, even when medically necessary.
Disability Rights
According
to the US government, persons with disabilities are almost twice as likely as
those without disabilities to be victims of violence. While the 2009 Matthew
Shepard and James Byrd Hate Crime Prevention Act increased awareness of hate
crimes against people with disabilities, underreporting of these crimes remains
a concern.
Counterterrorism
Despite
overwhelming evidence that senior Bush administration officials approved
illegal interrogation methods involving torture and other ill-treatment after
September 11, 2001, the Obama administration failed to criminally investigate high-level
officials or to establish a commission of inquiry.
A
long-awaited investigation by Special Prosecutor John Durham concluded that
further criminal investigation was warranted only with respect to the deaths in
custody of two detainees, but there have been no investigations into hundreds
of other instances of detainee abuse. The Obama administration continued to
invoke an overly broad interpretation of the “state secrets” privilege in civil
suits brought by current and former detainees alleging abuse, further limiting
a possible avenue for redress for victims of torture and other ill-treatment.
In December 2010 Congress enacted funding restrictions limiting the
administration’s ability to repatriate and resettle Guantanamo detainees. The
only detainee transferred in 2011 was sent against his will to Algeria where he
feared he would be tortured. While Human Rights Watch has not received reports
of abuse since his return, the US refused to allow an independent arbiter to
review his claim of fear of torture.
In
March 2011 Obama signed an executive order establishing a periodic
administrative review system for detainees currently held at Guantanamo and
either designated for indefinite detention, or for trial but not yet facing
charges. At this writing no implementing regulations have been issued.
Proposed
legislation in Congress seeks to expand US domestic authority to detain alleged
terrorism suspects indefinitely without charge and to mandate military
detention for a certain category of terrorism suspects. In February a detainee
pled guilty before a military commission and was sentenced to 34 months,
conditioned upon his continued cooperation with the government, or 14 years
otherwise.
The
military commission appellate court ruled in two cases that military
commissions have jurisdiction over conspiracy and material support for
terrorism, crimes that have never previously been considered as war crimes
under international law. In April 2011 Attorney General Eric Holder announced
that he had reversed his earlier decision to prosecute the five men accused of
plotting the 9/11 attacks in federal court and would instead try them before a
military commission.
Charges
were sworn against the five men. Charges were also referred against the man
accused of plotting the bombing of the USS Cole
in Yemen in October 2000; he was arraigned in November before a military
commission. The Obama administration announced in July 2011 that it had
captured a terrorism suspect off the coast of Somalia and detained him on a
ship for nearly two months before the International Committee of the Red Cross
was allowed to visit him in detention. He was later transferred to New York for
prosecution in federal court.
In May
2011 a team of US Navy SEALS killed al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden in
Abbotabad, Pakistan. In September Anwar al Awlaki, a cleric with US citizenship
who Obama described as the “leader of external operations” for al Qaeda in the
Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), was killed by a US-operated drone strike in Yemen.
Another US citizen, Samir Khan, who was the editor of AQAP’s online magazine
Inspire, was killed in the same strike. In October a drone attack killed Awlaki’s
16-year-old son, along with several others; the US has said the son was not the
target. Despite calls for greater transparency, the US continues to be vague
about the legal justifications for these killings and about who can be targeted,
when, and under what conditions.
In
September Human Rights Watch uncovered a cache of documents in Tripoli that
detailed the CIA’s role in the rendition of terrorism suspects to Libya, as well
as its role in questioning those suspects once in Libya. The CIA participated in
these actions despite overwhelming evidence at the time that the suspects would
likely face torture.
Paul Richard Harris is an Axis of Logic editor and columnist, based in Canada - this article is posted from Playa el Tirano, Venezuela. He can be reached at paul@axisoflogic.com.
Read the Biography and additional articles by Axis Columnist, Paul Richard Harris