That’s what the new rules being smuggled into trade agreements are delivering.
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David Cameron with Barack Obama at a state dinner in Cameron's honour in 2012 at the White House. Photograph: Mandel Ngan/AFP/Getty Images |
Remember that referendum about whether we should create a single
market with the United States? You know, the one that asked whether
corporations should have the power to strike down our laws? No, I don't
either. Mind you, I spent 10 minutes looking for my watch the other day
before I realised I was wearing it. Forgetting about the referendum is
another sign of ageing. Because there must have been one, mustn't there?
After all that agonising over whether or not we should stay in the
European Union, the government wouldn't cede our sovereignty to some
shadowy, undemocratic body without consulting us. Would it?
The purpose of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is to remove the regulatory differences between the US and European nations. I mentioned it a couple of weeks ago.
But I left out the most important issue: the remarkable ability it
would grant big business to sue the living daylights out of governments
which try to defend their citizens. It would allow a secretive panel of
corporate lawyers to overrule the will of parliament and destroy our
legal protections. Yet the defenders of our sovereignty say nothing.
The mechanism through which this is achieved is known as investor-state dispute settlement. It's already being used in many parts of the world to kill regulations protecting people and the living planet.
The Australian government, after massive debates in and out of parliament, decided that cigarettes should be sold in plain packets, marked only with shocking health warnings. The decision was validated by the Australian supreme court. But, using a trade agreement Australia struck with Hong Kong,
the tobacco company Philip Morris has asked an offshore tribunal to
award it a vast sum in compensation for the loss of what it calls its
intellectual property.
During its financial crisis, and in response to public anger over
rocketing charges, Argentina imposed a freeze on people's energy and
water bills (does this sound familiar?). It was sued by the
international utility companies whose vast bills had prompted the
government to act. For this and other such crimes, it has been forced to
pay out over a billion dollars in compensation. In El Salvador, local
communities managed at great cost (three campaigners were murdered)
to persuade the government to refuse permission for a vast gold mine
which threatened to contaminate their water supplies. A victory for
democracy? Not for long, perhaps. The Canadian company which sought to
dig the mine is now suing El Salvador for $315m – for the loss of its
anticipated future profits.
The EC seeks to replace open, accountable, sovereign courts with a closed, corrupt system riddled with conflicts of interest and arbitrary powers.
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In Canada, the courts revoked two patents owned by the American drugs
firm Eli Lilly, on the grounds that the company had not produced enough
evidence that they had the beneficial effects it claimed. Eli Lilly is
now suing the Canadian government for $500m, and demanding that Canada's patent laws are changed.
These companies (along with hundreds of others) are using the
investor-state dispute rules embedded in trade treaties signed by the
countries they are suing. The rules are enforced by panels which have
none of the safeguards we expect in our own courts. The hearings are
held in secret. The judges are corporate lawyers, many of whom work for
companies of the kind whose cases they hear. Citizens and communities
affected by their decisions have no legal standing. There is no right of
appeal on the merits of the case. Yet they can overthrow the
sovereignty of parliaments and the rulings of supreme courts.
You don't believe it? Here's what one of the judges on these
tribunals says about his work. "When I wake up at night and think about
arbitration, it never ceases to amaze me that sovereign states have
agreed to investment arbitration at all ... Three private individuals
are entrusted with the power to review, without any restriction or
appeal procedure, all actions of the government, all decisions of the
courts, and all laws and regulations emanating from parliament."
There are no corresponding rights for citizens. We can't use these
tribunals to demand better protections from corporate greed. As the Democracy Centre says, this is "a privatised justice system for global corporations".
Even if these suits don't succeed, they can exert a powerful chilling
effect on legislation. One Canadian government official, speaking about
the rules introduced by the North American Free Trade Agreement,
remarked: "I've seen the letters from the New York and DC law firms
coming up to the Canadian government on virtually every new
environmental regulation and proposition in the last five years. They
involved dry-cleaning chemicals, pharmaceuticals, pesticides, patent
law. Virtually all of the new initiatives were targeted and most of them
never saw the light of day." Democracy, as a meaningful proposition, is
impossible under these circumstances.
This is the system to which we will be subject if the transatlantic
treaty goes ahead. The US and the European commission, both of which
have been captured by the corporations they are supposed to regulate,
are pressing for investor-state dispute resolution to be included in the
agreement.
The commission justifies this policy by claiming that domestic courts
don't offer corporations sufficient protection because they "might be
biased or lack independence". Which courts is it talking about? Those of
the US? Its own member states? It doesn't say. In fact it fails to
produce a single concrete example demonstrating the need for a new,
extrajudicial system. It is precisely because our courts are generally
not biased or lacking independence that the corporations want to bypass
them. The EC seeks to replace open, accountable, sovereign courts with a
closed, corrupt system riddled with conflicts of interest and arbitrary
powers.
Investor-state rules could be used to smash any attempt to save the
NHS [1] from corporate control, to re-regulate the banks, to curb the greed
of the energy companies, to renationalise the railways, to leave fossil
fuels in the ground. These rules shut down democratic alternatives. They
outlaw leftwing politics.
This is why there has been no attempt by the UK government to inform
us about this monstrous assault on democracy, let alone consult us. This
is why the Conservatives who huff and puff about sovereignty are
silent. Wake up, people we're being shafted.
Notes:
[1] About the National Health Service (NHS) "Since its launch in 1948, the NHS has grown to become the world’s
largest publicly funded health service. It is also one of the most
efficient, most egalitarian and most comprehensive."
Source: monbiot.com |