Two Russian warships—Admiral Tributs, an anti-submarine vessel, and
the sea tanker Boris Butoma—docked in Manila on January 2 for a six
goodwill visit to the Philippines, the first official navy-to-navy
contact between the two countries. During the visit, Rear Admiral Eduard
Mikhailov, head of the Flotilla of the Russian Navy Pacific Fleet,
proposed joint military exercises with the Philippines in the South
China Sea.
In a speech delivered to the welcoming ceremony at the
port, Mikhailov explained that, “We’re very sure that in the future
we’ll get such exercises with you, maybe just the maneuvering or maybe
use some combat systems and so on.” He added that the joint exercises
“in the South China Sea” should be expanded in “a few years” to include
“not only Russia-Philippines, but Russia, Philippines, China and maybe
Malaysia together.”
While Mikhailov claimed that the exercises
would be focused on “maritime piracy and terrorism,” the geopolitical
stakes involved in joint drills involving Moscow, Beijing and Manila in
the disputed waters of the South China Sea were explicit. Mikhailov
pointedly told the assembled reporters that Manila can “choose … to
cooperate with the United States of America or to cooperate with Russia,
but from our side we can help you in every way that you need.”
Philippine
President Rodrigo Duterte has announced that he is open to joint
military exercises with Russia in the South China Sea. This stands in
stark contrast to his declaration that he would no longer be carrying
out such exercises with the United States in the disputed waters.
Under Duterte, who took office in mid-2016, the Philippines has emerged
as a focal point of geopolitical instability. In an editorial on
December 28, entitled “A perilous moment for Asia’s peace and
stability,” the Financial Times wrote “Manila is the first of the ‘wobbly dominoes’ the Trump administration must deal with.”
Duterte
is attempting to restore Manila’s diplomatic and economic ties with
Beijing, which had been drastically eroded by the provocative policies
of the US “pivot to Asia,” implemented with the full support of his
predecessor Benigno Aquino. To do this he effectively ignored the
arbitral ruling issued in The Hague against China’s territorial claims
in the South China Sea.
Washington sought to bring pressure on
Duterte by raising human rights concerns over his murderous drug war, a
program which the US initially funded, and which has seen over 6,000
alleged drug dealers summarily killed in the past six months. Duterte
responded by denouncing Washington, threatening to end joint military
exercises with the United States, and seeking arms and aid from Beijing
and Moscow. The political stakes in Manila’s geopolitical reorientation
are heightened by the fact that the Philippines will serve as chair of
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2017.
Duterte
has, over the past month, muted most of his vulgar rhetorical
flourishes against the United States. President-elect Donald Trump spoke
with Duterte by phone on December 2 and declared his support for the
drug war, a fact which Duterte heralded to the press, declaring that he
would happily work with the new American president.
The crisis
between Manila and Washington, however, has far deeper geopolitical
roots than the Obama administration’s tepid human rights posturing. That
this former colony of US imperialism is in the process of distancing
itself from Washington and forging ties with its longstanding rivals is
an expression of how far the decay of American economic might has
advanced. Washington’s attempts to shore up this decline by military
means are bringing the world to the brink of a global war. It is in this
context that Manila seeks arms and aid from China and Russia.
The
expanded ties between Manila and Moscow were initiated during a meeting
between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Duterte in November in
Lima, Peru, on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC) summit. In early December, Philippine Foreign Affairs Secretary
Perfecto Yasay and Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana traveled to Moscow
where they met with their counterparts.
Yasay informed the press
that the growth in relations between Moscow and Manila were an
expression of the Philippines move away from the United States. “Because
of [our] special relationship with the United States we were not able
to really pursue that kind of warm and mutually beneficial relationship
with Russia. Now, it’s changing,” he stated.
Yasay initiated
arrangements for a state visit by Duterte to Moscow in April or early
May. He discussed expanding Philippine agricultural exports to Russia
and securing increased Russian investment and technology “in areas such
as mining, oil exploration and communications, possibly including
surveillance.”
Lorenzana meanwhile worked to negotiate the
purchase of 26,000 assault rifles for Duterte’s war on drugs, in the
wake of a US announcement that it would be delaying or perhaps canceling
a planned sale of arms to the Philippines over human rights concerns.
Moscow also offered to sell a submarine and drones to the Armed Forces
of the Philippines.
At the same time, Manila is negotiating the
acquisition of arms from Beijing. Incoming Philippine ambassador to
China, Chito Sta. Romana told the AFP on Monday that the Philippines was
engaged in a “strategic shift in our foreign policy.” He continued,
“The Chinese viewed the Philippines as a geopolitical pawn or Trojan
horse of the US. Now they look at us as a friendly neighbor.”
Washington
continues to exercise immense economic and political power within its
former colony. There is no section of the ruling class, or any of its
political operatives, including Duterte, that desire a break with the
United States. Washington’s military campaign to secure its economic
dominance is a reckless drive to war, and any move by the countries of
Southeast Asia to shore up relations with China in this context can only
occur in opposition to the dictates of US imperialism. Washington will
not tolerate the loss of its former colony, and it will pursue all
means, legal and extralegal, to secure again the unwavering allegiance
of Manila.
Source: WSWS
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