To what extent do information and
communication technologies (ICTs) contribute to the development and political
transformation of human societies? How might the implementation and adoption of
technologies, such as cell phones and the Internet, affect the political fates
of some of the world’s least-included nation-states, peoples, and communities,
which desperately invest their time and efforts on democratic development?
Technology itself is an important part of
nearly everything human, not merely an aid to contemporary human activity. It has
powerful effects that reshape human activities and alter their meaning,
sometimes without overt perceptibility. Also, the human relationship with technology
is forever evolving; through social and political constructs, and also
entrepreneurial energies in some cases, the final outcomes of technology in
development will have an increasingly multifaceted interaction.
Still, can ICTs in particular affect
different levels of democracy or political corruption in, say, ‘emerging
societies’? Can it play a more decisive role in shaping development? The answer
is in the affirmative.
The Arab Spring presented the world a
moment in time when human action stirred up a great deal of curiosity about the
ICT and democratic development issue. After 12 June 2009, when millions of
citizens voted in Iran’s 10th presidential election, state-run media
announced that Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the incumbent candidate, had won reelection
to a second four-year term. Hundreds of thousands of Iranians flocked to the
streets and public city spaces in the following days to protest what they
decried a nationwide election fraud perpetrated by their government.
The state swiftly cut service to cell
phones, stymied the Internet there. It also ejected most foreign journalists. Nevertheless,
many Iranians found their way around state-sponsored communication and
information sharing impediments.
The world witnessed video footage and
news of the historic events as they poured out of Iran’s ICTs systems and into
the eyes of the world. Some weeks later, the ruling faction dampened public
dissent through violence, fear, and incarceration. Yet, cellular phone video
and Internet dialogue proved to the world that many Iranians yearned for
change.
By the 20th century, scholars
had already outspokenly observed that technology, as well as changes in
development, exacted more influence on societies and their processes and
policies than any other elements of like importance. In a pre-Internet world,
some reasoned that technological advances, and the implicit structural changes they
portended, would mark society with both organization and deliberate control.
They were unsure, though, as to what other political, social, or existential
changes the computer age might bring.
Many thought technological determinism (or,
the powerful impact of machines on the course of history) would be apropos
until the public might have far-reaching control over technology.
Examining the degree to which ICTs—cell
phones and the Internet, particularly—does more than suggest that technology
affects both the democracy and political corruption in emerging societies now.
The extant dynamism between ICTs and the economic, social, and political
infrastructures is plainly evident. And, it is more than worth considering as
humanity progresses and wrestles with persistent problems in development.
Today, nearly all “developing”
countries maintain a modern sector. Some of the patterns that living and working
create in such countries mirror those of “developed” countries. At the same
time, however, there are “non-modern” sectors. Patterns of living and working
in these sectors can also be found to decay at an accelerated clip. Yet, if
ICTs make for a critical pillar of “modern society,” then understanding why
many countries strive for progress in relevant areas is critical.
ICTs and their economic and political
effects are manifold. Studies show that such technology enhances socio-economic
development. Striving for a more inclusive information society also affects
what development looks like and how economics and politics factor into
preexisting social power structures. Some benefits include gains in
productivity or better performance in education—even newer social business
models and opportunities.
Many countries that invest in ICTs are
also moving towards “more intensive” approaches to ICT usage because the
benefits of ICTs are not a given; successful implementation remains a key
factor in determining results. Moreover, if an economy fails to recognize the
advantage of using and investing in these new technologies, then the future
effects that such decisions have on economic growth and development will be
uncertain for a time.
Recognizing the difficulties with
development goals and technological advances never ceases to be important. Consider
the case of Serbia, which set out to achieve European Union (EU) development
goals. Serbia worked on becoming a full member of the EU; however, its ICTs
development indicators proved considerably lower than requisite standards.
Serbia recognized its need to improve upon this. Despite that the ICT sector
was one of Serbia’s most lively and quickly growing, underscored by years of
double-digit growth pre-global recession, the country suffered greatly from the
global crisis. Consequences were subsequently negative for Serbia’s ICT
industry.
For some groups or societies that do
not determine their technology at all, there exists the possibility that the state
will elect to stifle development for its own corrupt agenda. In a different
scenario, state intervention can lead to an expedited process of technological
advance and modernization, a course of action that might positively alter an
economy and social welfare. Ultimately, pursuing relevant ICTs approaches that
take the people into consideration is important; it is absolutely not enough to
consider the technology all by itself. ICT progress should correspond to those
it stands to benefit most and most democratically.
Another issue is that democracy does
not immunize emerging societies from corruption. This poses a major problem for
societies that might benefit from ICTs. Many theories of institutional power
connect the distribution of power and influence to information networks within
emerging societies.
Sociologist Manuel Castells has
philosophized that when societies evolve to a point of dependence on knowledge
and information, the power within those societies grows ever more decentralized
as a result. Then, power redistributes amongst the people who are connected to
knowledge and information networks. Even if access to information is not enough
to change the power structures of a society, the capacity to share and freely
generate information with others does amply the degree of power and influence that
those connected to the network enjoy.
Within less than two years, the
technologies that proved instrumental in Iran’s popular movement took the stage
in swell of protests and revolutions throughout North African and Middle
Eastern states. Iran’s contentious presidential election, followed by the
remarkable ‘Arab Spring’, brought to the fore the power of citizen journalism
when mediated through ICTs. Consequently, questions emerged as to the political
and democratic power of such technologies on a yet larger scale.
Some members of the international
community focus their energies specifically on ICTs because of the potential to
catalyze and facilitate development and to empower otherwise excluded peoples.
Whether to adopt ICTs into the debate on global development policy also garners
great attention. Although international interest is robust, arguably few
scientific investigations have explored the effects of ICTs on development at
the society level.
Blogs, social networking, YouTube,
Twitter, etc. are the new media, and they have all fundamentally transformed
and continue to transform the international political arena. The Arab Spring
and surrounding events evidence this well. Yet the hope is that, as information
about the government and its activities begins moving freely among the members
of a society, then there will also be a reduction in the disparity between
peoples and their governments.
An increased transparency suggests a
decrease in corruption amongst public officials, that is, should they hope to
continue their office. Cell phones and the Internet are but two ICTs that
promote the free sharing of government policy or activity amongst those
connected to information networks within an emerging society. As users increase
with time, so, too, should there be a decrease in political corruption: The
power increases and concentrates amongst the citizenry, affects different
levels of democracy or political corruption in emerging societies, and it
shapes democratic development.
Mateo Pimentel is an Axis of Logic columnist, living on the US-Mexico border. Read the Biography and additional articles by Axis Columnist Mateo Pimentel.
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